1st January 2009
The IRSP send greetings to all our members and supporters as we enter 2009 . We send sincere solidarity greetings to all republican Prisoners, at home or abroad. We express our fullest solidarity with the people of the Gaza Strip enduring a barbarous assault by the pro-imperialist Israeli regime. We stand shoulder to shoulder with all those who resist the forces of imperialism and reactionary ideologies.We are confident that the way forward not only for all the people on the isle of Ireland but also throughout the world is through the struggle for socialism. The current crisis of capitalism is leading to an attack on the living standards of millions of working class people. Unemployment will rise, more will sink into poverty and the dangers of war increase. The only viable alternative is Socialism, which will replace the anarchy of the free market with a planned economy that caters for the needs of the majority.It is clear to many Republicans a that the current set up at Stormont is not a steppingstone to a Republic but a cementing of British rule in Ireland. The IRSP will continue to work with other republicans to expose the hollow fallacies at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement and the St Andrews Agreement. We will not be deflected by the campaign of arrests, harassment denigration and lies carried out by pro-imperialist forces north and south of the border on our membership.We urge all republicans to work in harmony with each other to expose the weaknesses of the current constitutional set up. It is not a time for “ourselves alone” philosophy.At the same time we urge all republicans and socialists to step up our activities in both the social and economic fields. Unless and until republican socialists take ownership and leadership of the day today class struggles then our struggle will not succeed.Finally we salute all our former political prisoners, all our former and current volunteers who have stood loyally by the ideals and principles of republican socialism.
The Struggle continues.
Wednesday, December 31, 2008
Tuesday, December 30, 2008
IRSP opposed to second Lisbon Referendum
The Irish Republican Socialist Party are opposed to any second referendum on the Lisbon Treaty. The people have already voted on this issue last June, 2008, and rejected the advice of the establishment and their parties and kicked Lisbon out. Now because things did not go the establishments way they, and their political masters in Paris and Brussels, have decided that the people must vote again and this time, from their view point, get it right. There is one thing for certain if, last June, the outcome of the first referendum had been favourable towards the establishment parties and Lisbon was accepted there would have been more chance of finding rocking horses running at Epsom than a second referendum. The establishment are going ahead with this insult simply because they can! It can be reasonably argued that this issue, following a precedent being set after the Nice Treaty was re-run, signals the beginning of the end for the Irish Constitution. Referenda are all well and good provided they go the establishments way and when they don’t, try again. If the voice of the people is as sovereign as we are led to believe Lisbon would be dead and buried. It would appear that treaties in Ireland are similar to Brams Stockers character Dracula, the people think the beast is dead only to find it risen from the dead.Recently our political leaders came back from Brussels with some half baked tale about promises “of legally binding guarantees” which are meaningless. They are not even guarantees but merely “promises of guarantees” which are certainly not the same thing. Even the promises they have are not priority issues. The issue of a commissioner was sited by around 2-3 percent of respondents when surveyed as to why they voted no! Things which really mater to people such as the possibility of public services going out to private tender and workers rights didn’t even warrant a “promise of a guarantee”. Any workers rights will be subject to the needs of capitalism and the bosses being served adequately first meaning, the bosses will still have the right to trample all over workers except with the Lisbon Treaty behind them. The European elite gave some vague recognition of respecting Irelands neutrality while at the same time continuing to speak of “Battle Groups”. For what it is worth at a meeting, which the IRSP attended, at the offices of the European Commission in Dublin on Monday 15th December a speaker representing the Fine Gael party, Lucinda Creighton, when questioned by a representative of the Irish Anti War Movement on Irish neutrality said Ireland “was not neutral”. Fine Gael are supposed to be the party of opposition in the Dail. However when it comes to defending the class interests of the bourgeoisie there is no opposition. When the IRSP representative questioned Joe Costello, Labour Party, at the same meeting about his party’s apparent change of heart regarding a second referendum he was unable to give a straight answer. The question was put to Joe that “the Labour Party were against a second referendum after the defeat of the first one” he answered “we are opposed to a second referendum in the same format, asking the same questions”. When the Chairperson of the forum, Kevin Raffter, pushed the labour speaker asking “if you had to vote tomorrow which way would you vote” to which the beleaguered Labour TD again could not give a straight answer.As far as the IRSP are concerned there should be no second referendum as it has already been decided by the people. However given the fact that there is going to be one we, along with our colleagues in the Campaign Against European Union Constitution, will be campaigning for another rejection of the Lisbon Treaty. Lisbon mark one was essentially the ill-fated European Constitution, rejected by the French and Dutch electorate which was why these people were not allowed to vote on acceptance or rejection of the Lisbon Treaty. Just as Lisbon mark one was of no noticeable difference to the European Constitution, so too will Lisbon mark two be of any consequential difference to its ill-fated predecessor. The Irish Republican Socialist Party would strongly recommend another rejection, not that there should be a re-run in the first place, of the Lisbon Treaty. We would warn people who may be undecided that any “promises of guarantees” are a far cry from written guarantees and must not be taken in the same light. Even if the government do manage to get something more concrete on the area of a commissioner how much importance would you, the people, place on this issue? Also do not be misled with such clap trap as “we have received a declaration” from the European Commission because, like “promises of guarantees”, declarations are meaningless. They are not protocols, they hold no legal weight no more than do promises.Finally we might remind people of the words of former French President Valery Giscard d Estang on the Lisbon Treaty, in order to deny the French people a referendum, the treaty should be designed to “head off any threat of referenda by avoiding any form of constitutional vocabulary”. This was echoed by the Belgium Foreign Minister, Karel de Gucht, who said “the aim of this treaty is to be unreadable”, in other words don’t let the people have a clue what they are voting on. There will be no fundamental difference in Lisbon mark two to that of mark one, simply because it can’t be changed without rewriting the whole document and it has taken too long for the European bourgeoisie to concoct for that to happen. The bottom line is there will be no change in the meaning or content of the Lisbon Treaty, make sure there is no change in the outcome of the vote. When the time comes vote NO .
Kevin Morley
Secretary Irish Republican Socialist Party
Dublin Cumann
Kevin Morley
Secretary Irish Republican Socialist Party
Dublin Cumann
Monday, December 29, 2008
Dublin IPSC Pickets
We in the Dublin IRSP have attended 2 pickets organised by the IPSC in Dublin, one on the 28th and one today the 29th. We as Republican Socialists stand in solidarity with the people of Palestine and reach out our arm of comradeship to these hurting people.
We completely condemn these atrocities which are no more then terrorist attacks on a smaller nation. We ask of all our supporters and right minded individuals to take there stand in supporting these people in there time of need.
We will continue to highlight the Situation within Gaza in our own work.
We support the People of Palestine.
We completely condemn these atrocities which are no more then terrorist attacks on a smaller nation. We ask of all our supporters and right minded individuals to take there stand in supporting these people in there time of need.
We will continue to highlight the Situation within Gaza in our own work.
We support the People of Palestine.
Monday, December 15, 2008
Why not the Good Friday Agreement?
People ask, ‘why not support the Good Friday Agreement’, ‘why not support a document that favours peace over war’, ‘why not support an agreement that creates a chance of peace for Ireland?
The Good Friday Agreement is, yet, another agreement written up by the British Government, on their terms and signed by Irish representatives who claim to be fighting, through whatever means, to establish an 32 county Irish Republic which cannot happen under the current British and Irish Government rulings. Their rulings favour the rich and promise to protect property, wealth and natural resources from the working people of Ireland, the same people who built this country. We favour an Ireland where everyone works and everyone reaps the rewards from the country's wealth and natural resources.
The Good Friday Agreement grants a minority Unionist Veto over a united Ireland, it institutionalises Sectarianism and creates yet another stumbling block for the Republic and its supporters. All of this is made possible at the direction of the supporters of the Good Friday Agreement.
The supporters of the Good Friday Agreement have waved POW status for Republican prisoners, painting them as criminals and have sold out the Irish hunger-strikers of 1981 by supporting an agreement that has secured the criminalisation of their cause and the retraction of the demands fought for, through peaceful means and which led to their deaths. Supporters of the Good Friday Agreement seem to have forgotten that it is the hunger strikers of 1981 amongst others who brought our struggle to the attention of the world and gained international support for our fight for justice.
Those who stand against the Good Friday Agreement are standing for a nation built on equal rights, justice, true peace, the opposition of exploitation of all of its peoples and that the wealth and resources of Ireland be handed back, and with direct control, to the people of Ireland. Not to any church or any wealthy elite but to the working people with representation from an elected body, through democratic vote, within their communities.
The only way of achieving this is by completely opposing British and corporate Imperialism and building an Irish Republic that is a socialist state by definition. A state built by normal people for normal people. Like shop built by those who also use such shops, it will outshine those built by the wealthy. This is what is feared by the wealthy elite in Downing Street, Washington and Lenister house as it will topple those corrupt ‘leaders’ from their position of corrupted powers and this is also why such powers support the Good Friday Agreement as a 'peace agreement'.
The Good Friday Agreement is, yet, another agreement written up by the British Government, on their terms and signed by Irish representatives who claim to be fighting, through whatever means, to establish an 32 county Irish Republic which cannot happen under the current British and Irish Government rulings. Their rulings favour the rich and promise to protect property, wealth and natural resources from the working people of Ireland, the same people who built this country. We favour an Ireland where everyone works and everyone reaps the rewards from the country's wealth and natural resources.
The Good Friday Agreement grants a minority Unionist Veto over a united Ireland, it institutionalises Sectarianism and creates yet another stumbling block for the Republic and its supporters. All of this is made possible at the direction of the supporters of the Good Friday Agreement.
The supporters of the Good Friday Agreement have waved POW status for Republican prisoners, painting them as criminals and have sold out the Irish hunger-strikers of 1981 by supporting an agreement that has secured the criminalisation of their cause and the retraction of the demands fought for, through peaceful means and which led to their deaths. Supporters of the Good Friday Agreement seem to have forgotten that it is the hunger strikers of 1981 amongst others who brought our struggle to the attention of the world and gained international support for our fight for justice.
Those who stand against the Good Friday Agreement are standing for a nation built on equal rights, justice, true peace, the opposition of exploitation of all of its peoples and that the wealth and resources of Ireland be handed back, and with direct control, to the people of Ireland. Not to any church or any wealthy elite but to the working people with representation from an elected body, through democratic vote, within their communities.
The only way of achieving this is by completely opposing British and corporate Imperialism and building an Irish Republic that is a socialist state by definition. A state built by normal people for normal people. Like shop built by those who also use such shops, it will outshine those built by the wealthy. This is what is feared by the wealthy elite in Downing Street, Washington and Lenister house as it will topple those corrupt ‘leaders’ from their position of corrupted powers and this is also why such powers support the Good Friday Agreement as a 'peace agreement'.
Republican Socialism Defined
This is Republican Socialism!
The Irish Republican Socialist Party is an organisation created by and for working class people, to aid working class liberation in Ireland and internationally with others who share that common goal. The IRSP stands in the tradition of James Connolly, seeking an end to all forms of exploitation and the creation of a 32 county socialist republic, with the working class collectively owning the means of production, distribution, and exchange, as well as democratically administering society.
Socialism:
The socialism we embrace is the kind that liberates, not enslaves. We strive towards a society that functions to meet human needs, not the need for profit. Our socialism is a means of liberating our class from all forms of oppression, whether economic, political, religious, cultural or social. It is a socialism that envisions our class controlling their own destinies and that of the nation as a whole.
National Liberation:
The struggle for national liberation cannot be separated from the class struggle. Any attempt to isolate one from the other will result in failure. It is meaningless to speak of a free nation, if the overwhelming majority remain oppressed, and national sovereignty is lost through multinational corporate control of the economy just as much as by partition. At the same time, someone who refuses to challenge British imperialism in Ireland cannot claim to be fighting for socialism and the continuation of partition props up the divisions in the working class of Ireland that hold us back from our own liberation. We have no choice in whether or not we wish to consider the interconnection of the national and class questions, reality forces us to do so.
We define the national liberation struggle as that struggle which seeks to force a British military withdrawal from the occupied six counties. The destruction of the pro-British loyalist armed forces. The withdrawal of British political influence from all parts of Ireland. The ending the partition of the island of Ireland and the overturning of both the partionist governments presently administering political affairs of Ireland. The gaining of collective economic control of the nation's resources by the nation as a whole and the eradication of any control or influence exercised by foreign capitalists over any aspect of the Irish economy. The recognition of a separate Irish cultural identity and the establishment of revolutionary 32- county socialist republic.
We aim to build a strong alliance in Irish society of our class in towns and cities, agricultural workers in the country-side, unemployed workers, working class refugees, linked as a movement internationally with other like-minded liberation struggles.
We firmly stand-by the struggle for a republic. On that we are inflexible, but our struggle for the republic is a means to an end. For us, the national liberation struggle is but an aspect of the struggle for socialism.
Loyalism & Nationalism :
We distinguish between loyalism and Protestantism. We recognise the right of everyone to their own religious beliefs, provided they do not use these beliefs to oppress others. We have no quarrel with Protestant workers and welcome them to join us in struggle. However, we stand totally opposed to the political ideology of loyalism. Loyalism is a reactionary, sectarian and proimperialist ideology, with which we can make no compromise. We recognise that nationalism in the context of the Irish struggle is progressive, but we also recognise that nationalism can play a reactionary role. The national chauvinism of the Tories, National Front, etc. is counterrevolutionary and anathema to socialists. The nationalism of an oppressed country is vastly different from such reactionary jingoism. We support all struggles against imperialism throughout the world.
Class mobilisation Only by mobilising our class north and south - Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter - can the goal of national liberation and socialism be achieved. Workers have distinct interests as a class, ultimately opposed to any other class, we must join together as a class to win control of society.
For a fighting union :
As republican socialists, we take lesson from battles that have gone before us, in the community and in the workplace. We must reclaim our unions and organise the unorganised. We remain committed to the revolutionary industrial unionism of Larkin and Connolly. As republican socialists we see the creation of a fighting 'rank and file' trade union movement as something that still holds potential and we support the building of a revolutionary shop stewards' movement.
Equality:
Our class faces daily, relentless assaults inflicted on us from many quarters and a constant onslaught of attempts to divide us. The IRSP oppose and fight against all forms of inequality and oppression, including that of women, travellers, lesbians, gays, or other sexual minorities, refugees, Africans, Asians, and any other oppressed sector of the working class. We oppose racism, Zionism, sexism, homophobia, national chauvinism, and anything else which divides our class. We support reproductive rights and unhindered access to contraception, including a woman's right to choose abortion. We are opposed to religious sectarianism and seek the complete separation of church and state and a secular society.
Our Earth:
The increasing destruction of our environment is due to mismanagement of industrialisation and the inevitable product of a system, which puts profit before all else, that is, capitalism. The IRSP is committed to sustainable and renewable energy sources, preservation of the ecology and biodiversity of our planet, with protection of all species and the promotion of a healthy environment for all people and animal life
Revolution not Reform :
The IRSP believe that the present class system cannot be reformed out of existence. There exists no parliamentary road to socialism and the liberation of our class. We need to build an organised working class movement with the politics capable of leading the fight against capitalism. Our class are entitled to control over all the wealth of society and to obtain it through any means necessary.
If you agree with us, then we urge you to join the Irish Republican Socialist Party and help build a movement that can accomplish these aims and objectives.
Be part of the Irish revolution!
The Irish Republican Socialist Party is an organisation created by and for working class people, to aid working class liberation in Ireland and internationally with others who share that common goal. The IRSP stands in the tradition of James Connolly, seeking an end to all forms of exploitation and the creation of a 32 county socialist republic, with the working class collectively owning the means of production, distribution, and exchange, as well as democratically administering society.
Socialism:
The socialism we embrace is the kind that liberates, not enslaves. We strive towards a society that functions to meet human needs, not the need for profit. Our socialism is a means of liberating our class from all forms of oppression, whether economic, political, religious, cultural or social. It is a socialism that envisions our class controlling their own destinies and that of the nation as a whole.
National Liberation:
The struggle for national liberation cannot be separated from the class struggle. Any attempt to isolate one from the other will result in failure. It is meaningless to speak of a free nation, if the overwhelming majority remain oppressed, and national sovereignty is lost through multinational corporate control of the economy just as much as by partition. At the same time, someone who refuses to challenge British imperialism in Ireland cannot claim to be fighting for socialism and the continuation of partition props up the divisions in the working class of Ireland that hold us back from our own liberation. We have no choice in whether or not we wish to consider the interconnection of the national and class questions, reality forces us to do so.
We define the national liberation struggle as that struggle which seeks to force a British military withdrawal from the occupied six counties. The destruction of the pro-British loyalist armed forces. The withdrawal of British political influence from all parts of Ireland. The ending the partition of the island of Ireland and the overturning of both the partionist governments presently administering political affairs of Ireland. The gaining of collective economic control of the nation's resources by the nation as a whole and the eradication of any control or influence exercised by foreign capitalists over any aspect of the Irish economy. The recognition of a separate Irish cultural identity and the establishment of revolutionary 32- county socialist republic.
We aim to build a strong alliance in Irish society of our class in towns and cities, agricultural workers in the country-side, unemployed workers, working class refugees, linked as a movement internationally with other like-minded liberation struggles.
We firmly stand-by the struggle for a republic. On that we are inflexible, but our struggle for the republic is a means to an end. For us, the national liberation struggle is but an aspect of the struggle for socialism.
Loyalism & Nationalism :
We distinguish between loyalism and Protestantism. We recognise the right of everyone to their own religious beliefs, provided they do not use these beliefs to oppress others. We have no quarrel with Protestant workers and welcome them to join us in struggle. However, we stand totally opposed to the political ideology of loyalism. Loyalism is a reactionary, sectarian and proimperialist ideology, with which we can make no compromise. We recognise that nationalism in the context of the Irish struggle is progressive, but we also recognise that nationalism can play a reactionary role. The national chauvinism of the Tories, National Front, etc. is counterrevolutionary and anathema to socialists. The nationalism of an oppressed country is vastly different from such reactionary jingoism. We support all struggles against imperialism throughout the world.
Class mobilisation Only by mobilising our class north and south - Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter - can the goal of national liberation and socialism be achieved. Workers have distinct interests as a class, ultimately opposed to any other class, we must join together as a class to win control of society.
For a fighting union :
As republican socialists, we take lesson from battles that have gone before us, in the community and in the workplace. We must reclaim our unions and organise the unorganised. We remain committed to the revolutionary industrial unionism of Larkin and Connolly. As republican socialists we see the creation of a fighting 'rank and file' trade union movement as something that still holds potential and we support the building of a revolutionary shop stewards' movement.
Equality:
Our class faces daily, relentless assaults inflicted on us from many quarters and a constant onslaught of attempts to divide us. The IRSP oppose and fight against all forms of inequality and oppression, including that of women, travellers, lesbians, gays, or other sexual minorities, refugees, Africans, Asians, and any other oppressed sector of the working class. We oppose racism, Zionism, sexism, homophobia, national chauvinism, and anything else which divides our class. We support reproductive rights and unhindered access to contraception, including a woman's right to choose abortion. We are opposed to religious sectarianism and seek the complete separation of church and state and a secular society.
Our Earth:
The increasing destruction of our environment is due to mismanagement of industrialisation and the inevitable product of a system, which puts profit before all else, that is, capitalism. The IRSP is committed to sustainable and renewable energy sources, preservation of the ecology and biodiversity of our planet, with protection of all species and the promotion of a healthy environment for all people and animal life
Revolution not Reform :
The IRSP believe that the present class system cannot be reformed out of existence. There exists no parliamentary road to socialism and the liberation of our class. We need to build an organised working class movement with the politics capable of leading the fight against capitalism. Our class are entitled to control over all the wealth of society and to obtain it through any means necessary.
If you agree with us, then we urge you to join the Irish Republican Socialist Party and help build a movement that can accomplish these aims and objectives.
Be part of the Irish revolution!
Sunday, December 14, 2008
Seamus Costello 2008 Oration
Delivered by Paul Little, IRSP Ard Comhairle member
Comrades,
It is an honour and a privilege to be asked to speak here today at this commemoration to remember our comrade Seamus Costello, who in the words of Nora Connolly O'Brien, daughter of James Connolly, Seamus was "the only one who truly understood what James Connolly meant when he spoke of his vision of the freedom of the Irish people." No better tribute could have been paid to Seamus and indeed sums up Seamus as an outstanding revolutionary who believed as Connolly did that there could be no national liberation struggle without the class struggle. And that stands true today. Comrades, for us in the Republican Socialist Movement passionately believe that the class and liberation struggle are one. And we should all follow the example laid before us by James Connolly and Seamus Costello of making the goals of national liberation and socialism a reality. It is important for us as republican socialists to keep the memory of the man alive and indeed carry his vision of a better Ireland forward, for ourselves, and future generations.
In 1974 Seamus and other republican socialists formed the Irish Republican Socialist Party in an attempt to build a party of the Irish working class and with the formation of the Irish National Liberation Army, he saw this as the vanguard of the anti-imperialist struggle to end British rule in Ireland once and for all. Seamus seen capitalism, whether native or foreign, as much the enemy of the working class as British imperialism. Comrades, we must oppose capitalism with as much vigour as we oppose British rule. That means organising a proper revolutionary party, involving ourselves in our communities, our trade unions and embracing all the people of this island under the banner of class unity. As in Seamus' time our movement has come under attack from our enemies in the Dublin regime through draconian laws which are no more than internment on the word of a single garda. We send greetings to our comrades in Portlaoise and indeed to all republican prisoners.
We also condemn the mistreatment of Aidan Hulme, a republican prisoner in Portlaoise and demand that he gets proper medical attention. He is currently in Portlaoise and is suffering from very severe injuries to his lower legs which have basically confined him to bed 24 hours a day. Last week a doctor advised that Aidan get immediate medical treatment in a specialised unit, so far this has not happened. We demand that it does happen and we send Aidan our best wishes. Seamus Costello, along with others, established the Republican Socialist Movement in 1974 at the height of the struggle against British imperialism and severe economic hardship across the island. The Ireland that Seamus grew up in enjoyed none of the democratic rights envisioned by republicans in the Easter proclamation the democratic program. So Seamus joined the IRA and Sinn Fein at an early age and devoted his life to achieving national self-determination and democracy for the people of Ireland. It was when he entered the Curragh as an internee that Seamus and others defined the way forward for the Irish Republican struggle.
He instigated and developed the resurgence in "Connolyite" republicanism and pulled republicanism not only to the left, but directly into the everyday lives of the people of Ireland. When Seamus, as Connolly had done, made the connections between the struggle for independence and social issues, he made the Irish republican struggle relevant for the working class in Ireland. Seamus had a powerful gift of analysing the problems that the people of Ireland faced and offered attractive and radical alternatives to them. Comrades, if we look at the political landscape of Ireland today, can we honestly say that the lot of the Irish people has improved? Of course not. Recent economic reports deliver conflicting accounts of where Ireland stands. Last year, the United Nations published its Human Development Report for 2006 and Ireland ranked 17th in the human poverty index. Last year also marked the publication of another report: Bank of Ireland Private Banking published its annual Wealth of the Nation report -- and the picture painted was rather different. We were told that, in terms of net wealth per capita, Ireland was the world's second-richest country after Japan. After the few years of unfettered free market boom of the "Celtic Tiger," huge wealth was generated into a few hands here in the 26 Counties. There was a spending spree in the private housing sector.
Unfortunately, this huge generation of private wealth and its accompanying spending spree largely bypassed the essential public services on which we all depend, particularly health and education. The building boom in the private sector was not matched by public housing output, and we ended the boom with more than 43,000 households on local authority waiting lists -- an increase of nearly 60 per cent since 1996. When one includes those who cannot afford to buy or rent on the private market, the total number of people in housing need is 250,000. And while the country's top chief executives could look forward to salary packages topping €1 million annually. How can this be justified? How can the welfare and education systems fail so many people here due to lack funding? We have a situation where our natural resources are sold to the highest bidder, Shell, as in the case of the Corrib Gas Field off the coast of Mayo.
These resources are the property of the people of Ireland and they should not be sold off for short term political and economic gain. We are facing an inevitable capitalist crash with rising unemployment and huge demand for stable homes and communities. Then nationalise the construction industry to employ people to build more homes for those who need them. Don't nationalise the debt created by greedy fat executives who won't be freezing in there homes this winter. Ireland today suffers from all the problems that the Ireland of Seamus Costello suffered. The answers can be found in the radical thinking and analysis of Seamus Costello and if we apply his analysis we can't go far wrong. Seamus had a passion for the Irish struggle, which he saw as inseparable from the struggle for working class emancipation. He was able to inspire those around him to devote their time and energy to the struggle with this passion.
Comrades, we know the problems that we face. Capitalism is again on the ropes and this will affect us all but we must use this situation to benefit the working class. We must be ready to take advantage and to promote socialism as a real and viable alternation to the boom and bust of capitalism. Seamus has left us with the radical politics that can solve them. He has left us a vehicle with which to carry those ideas. It is up to us to show some of Seamus´ passion for change and start to put things right.
Fall in behind the party of the Irish working class, the IRSP.
Smash imperialism and smash capitalism!
Onwards to victory, comrades!
Comrades,
It is an honour and a privilege to be asked to speak here today at this commemoration to remember our comrade Seamus Costello, who in the words of Nora Connolly O'Brien, daughter of James Connolly, Seamus was "the only one who truly understood what James Connolly meant when he spoke of his vision of the freedom of the Irish people." No better tribute could have been paid to Seamus and indeed sums up Seamus as an outstanding revolutionary who believed as Connolly did that there could be no national liberation struggle without the class struggle. And that stands true today. Comrades, for us in the Republican Socialist Movement passionately believe that the class and liberation struggle are one. And we should all follow the example laid before us by James Connolly and Seamus Costello of making the goals of national liberation and socialism a reality. It is important for us as republican socialists to keep the memory of the man alive and indeed carry his vision of a better Ireland forward, for ourselves, and future generations.
In 1974 Seamus and other republican socialists formed the Irish Republican Socialist Party in an attempt to build a party of the Irish working class and with the formation of the Irish National Liberation Army, he saw this as the vanguard of the anti-imperialist struggle to end British rule in Ireland once and for all. Seamus seen capitalism, whether native or foreign, as much the enemy of the working class as British imperialism. Comrades, we must oppose capitalism with as much vigour as we oppose British rule. That means organising a proper revolutionary party, involving ourselves in our communities, our trade unions and embracing all the people of this island under the banner of class unity. As in Seamus' time our movement has come under attack from our enemies in the Dublin regime through draconian laws which are no more than internment on the word of a single garda. We send greetings to our comrades in Portlaoise and indeed to all republican prisoners.
We also condemn the mistreatment of Aidan Hulme, a republican prisoner in Portlaoise and demand that he gets proper medical attention. He is currently in Portlaoise and is suffering from very severe injuries to his lower legs which have basically confined him to bed 24 hours a day. Last week a doctor advised that Aidan get immediate medical treatment in a specialised unit, so far this has not happened. We demand that it does happen and we send Aidan our best wishes. Seamus Costello, along with others, established the Republican Socialist Movement in 1974 at the height of the struggle against British imperialism and severe economic hardship across the island. The Ireland that Seamus grew up in enjoyed none of the democratic rights envisioned by republicans in the Easter proclamation the democratic program. So Seamus joined the IRA and Sinn Fein at an early age and devoted his life to achieving national self-determination and democracy for the people of Ireland. It was when he entered the Curragh as an internee that Seamus and others defined the way forward for the Irish Republican struggle.
He instigated and developed the resurgence in "Connolyite" republicanism and pulled republicanism not only to the left, but directly into the everyday lives of the people of Ireland. When Seamus, as Connolly had done, made the connections between the struggle for independence and social issues, he made the Irish republican struggle relevant for the working class in Ireland. Seamus had a powerful gift of analysing the problems that the people of Ireland faced and offered attractive and radical alternatives to them. Comrades, if we look at the political landscape of Ireland today, can we honestly say that the lot of the Irish people has improved? Of course not. Recent economic reports deliver conflicting accounts of where Ireland stands. Last year, the United Nations published its Human Development Report for 2006 and Ireland ranked 17th in the human poverty index. Last year also marked the publication of another report: Bank of Ireland Private Banking published its annual Wealth of the Nation report -- and the picture painted was rather different. We were told that, in terms of net wealth per capita, Ireland was the world's second-richest country after Japan. After the few years of unfettered free market boom of the "Celtic Tiger," huge wealth was generated into a few hands here in the 26 Counties. There was a spending spree in the private housing sector.
Unfortunately, this huge generation of private wealth and its accompanying spending spree largely bypassed the essential public services on which we all depend, particularly health and education. The building boom in the private sector was not matched by public housing output, and we ended the boom with more than 43,000 households on local authority waiting lists -- an increase of nearly 60 per cent since 1996. When one includes those who cannot afford to buy or rent on the private market, the total number of people in housing need is 250,000. And while the country's top chief executives could look forward to salary packages topping €1 million annually. How can this be justified? How can the welfare and education systems fail so many people here due to lack funding? We have a situation where our natural resources are sold to the highest bidder, Shell, as in the case of the Corrib Gas Field off the coast of Mayo.
These resources are the property of the people of Ireland and they should not be sold off for short term political and economic gain. We are facing an inevitable capitalist crash with rising unemployment and huge demand for stable homes and communities. Then nationalise the construction industry to employ people to build more homes for those who need them. Don't nationalise the debt created by greedy fat executives who won't be freezing in there homes this winter. Ireland today suffers from all the problems that the Ireland of Seamus Costello suffered. The answers can be found in the radical thinking and analysis of Seamus Costello and if we apply his analysis we can't go far wrong. Seamus had a passion for the Irish struggle, which he saw as inseparable from the struggle for working class emancipation. He was able to inspire those around him to devote their time and energy to the struggle with this passion.
Comrades, we know the problems that we face. Capitalism is again on the ropes and this will affect us all but we must use this situation to benefit the working class. We must be ready to take advantage and to promote socialism as a real and viable alternation to the boom and bust of capitalism. Seamus has left us with the radical politics that can solve them. He has left us a vehicle with which to carry those ideas. It is up to us to show some of Seamus´ passion for change and start to put things right.
Fall in behind the party of the Irish working class, the IRSP.
Smash imperialism and smash capitalism!
Onwards to victory, comrades!
Mchael Campbell Protest
Saturday the 14th of December was a show of unity in Dublin 4 as
Comrades of the IRSP Dublin Cumman Joined by Dundalk comrades,
Stood on a picket/protest with the 32csm I.R.P.W.A supporting the release of Michael Campbell from a lithuanian Jail.
This case is one of many that we see here today going through the Special Criminals Court But saturday the stand of fellow republicans will hopefully show that no longer will republicans stand by while like minded men and women are incarcerated for there beliefs.
As the Gerry Adams once said "we havent gone away you know" this is true today as it was the day it was said regarding Organizations who stand by the POWs.
Well Done to the IRSP and 32csm for taking there stand.
Comrades of the IRSP Dublin Cumman Joined by Dundalk comrades,
Stood on a picket/protest with the 32csm I.R.P.W.A supporting the release of Michael Campbell from a lithuanian Jail.
This case is one of many that we see here today going through the Special Criminals Court But saturday the stand of fellow republicans will hopefully show that no longer will republicans stand by while like minded men and women are incarcerated for there beliefs.
As the Gerry Adams once said "we havent gone away you know" this is true today as it was the day it was said regarding Organizations who stand by the POWs.
Well Done to the IRSP and 32csm for taking there stand.
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