Dublin IRSP

ANY JOB IS BETTER THAN NO JOB?

2009-10-25T23:36:00.000-07:00

Have you ever heard people come out with such remarks as "any job is better than no job" or "you're lucky to have a job at all"? Another one is "work comes first" if a wage slave wishes to have some time off away from exploitation to enjoy some of the limited affordable pleasures in their misserable existence. These kind of crass statements are ussually promoted by the exploiter capitalist class and the media which they control in order to make the workers feel greatful for being allowed to graft and make profits for the robber barrons. These are the same thieves who exploit peoples labour power in order to amass mega profits under the 'fairest economic and political system available', to dissprove this latter pedalled myth I suggest anybody just looks around them every day or watches the news. If this is the finest, fairest and sensible system available to human kind I shudder to think of the worst.

The capitalist class, the owners of the means of production, distribution and exchange, the people responsible for what we have affectionately come to know as 'recession' are the very same people we are stupid enough to entrust with our affairs. Any government we elect to the Dail or any other parliament for that matter are there to govern the affairs and interests of this gang of exploiters and bankers often reffered to in Marxist terms as the bourgeoisie. These people create, through their private ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange, 'recession', which is ultimately designed to reduce wages and increase profits purposely towards this end. Once the so called recession is over this gang can triumphantly report, through their media, to the rest of us that "the recession is over" or we "are coming out of recession", the latter statement usually to forewarn people that even though we are "in economic recovery" dont expect too much. This normally means don't expect a living wage or a return to the days "when we paid ourselves too much". In reality this means when we paid you too much therefore we had to create an atmosphere of fear, through recession, so that you won't ask for a larger slice of our cake again. Remember what happened last time when we "paid ourselves too much" we went, or more to the point we forced you wage slaves, to go through 'recession'.

In order that the capitalist class maintain their mega profits which can't be done to the same extent if the workers are being "paid too much" it is very important that the system has the fear factor in place. This fear factor can be in the form of a synthetic recession within an equally synthetic economic system, or the pretence fear of "international terrorism" reportedly by some trouble making theorists to be brought about by the larger echolons of the capitalist class and their agencies to maintain their grip on society. Fear is the major weapon in the armoury of the exploiter class and just in case this does not work they have a large police force who will batter the skulls to pulp of any group who step too far out of line and just in case this proves not to be sufficient they do of course have the army at their dispossal. Be under no illussions these latter two means of control would be used if the capitalist class believed their wonderful system was under any threat.

So the moral to this story is that when and if the exploiters of labour and their banking allies decide the time is right to annonce that we "are out of recession" don't ask for a decent wage in fact maybe, just maybe, it may be an idea for the workers to pay the capitalists wages for being allowed to work at all let alone share the same planet! Just a thought.

Con Gore-Booth

Raffle Winners

2009-09-06T03:42:00.000-07:00

Sorry for this delay but the last raffle prize winners of the Dublin IRSP competition were as follows.

1) Alisha

2)Leanne

3) James

SUPPORT THE DOCK WORKERS

2009-08-26T01:52:00.000-07:00

This year, 2009, is the 96th anniversary of the 1913 Dublin Lockout. The lockout started at the Dublin United Tramways Company owned by William Martin Murphy, an Irish Nationalist MP. Murphy was also head of the Employers Federation (forerunner of todays IBEC) which represented 400 employers. In oppossition to Murphy and his draconian rules were the Irish Transport and General Workers Union led by Jim Larkin and James Connolly along with 36 other trade unions. The strike was initially about the rights of workers to be members of a trade union of their choice. Murphy refused to recognise the ITGWU and tried to force workers to sign a form denouncing this union or face dismissal. Other employers folluwed suit and locked out their workers.

Today in 2009 we see another employers offensive this time on the docks in Dublin. The employers, Peel Ports Group, are trying to force redundancies, not only in Dublin but also Belfast, and new contracts which include "pay cuts and worse working conditions". If the company is successful in their quest it will have serious repercusions for workers across the island of Ireland. The workers on the docks have held out for several weeks and have held a series of marches and rallies. On Monday 24th August 2009 a march left East Wall Road and East Link Bridge meeting up and converging on the Marine Terminal Depot. Around 800 dock workers, supported by their communities, along with trade unionists from several unions, the Independent Workers Union, SIPTU, Unite, the International Transport Workers Federation along with political activists from the Socialist Workers Party, the Socialist Party, the IRSP, Sinn Fein , the Communist Party of Ireland, Eirigi and various sympathetic individualls. Messages of support were read out from dockers across Europe where several ships have been prevented from leaving port by the International Transport Workers Federation. On arrival at the terminal the rally was addressed by several speakers including Peter Bunting ICTU (Northern Division), speakers from ICTU and various other trade unionists including a representative from Rotterdam, Holland, representing Dutch dock workers. The centre of many attacks were the scabs who have been imported from Belfast and perhaps the most hard hitting assault on these lowest forms of life came from a North of Irish trade unionist, Kevin Doherty. He described these peaople as "shameless" and informed them that "they are not welcome in their communities or anywhere else" he said they "should hang their heads in shame". The scabs continued to operate the terminals at the plant, echoes of Captain Boycott using scab labour in Co. Mayo in the late 19th century. After the speeches the demonstrators invaded an area of the port itself but unfortunately could not get to the scabs. A strong security presence was in evidence against working people fighting for their livelyhoods evidence of what this state is really all about, defending capital. The signitories of 1916 must turn in their grave at what is going on today in their name. This is not the kind of society those men and women were fighting for.

It is wildely reported that some of the strong arm security personell used by Peel Ports Group are former SAS people, obviously trained to a far higher degree of violence than your average security man. If these reports are true it suggests a serious shift in aggression by the employers and spells danger for all of us. If the employers are successful in their quest at destroying resistance on the docks the domino affect will undoubtedly be seen and felt by workers right across the island of Ireland in the months and years to come.

We would urge all workers, trade unionists and those down trodden employees who are forbidden from union membership by their employers, to send messages of support to the Dockers of Dublin and those who have been made redundant in Belfast in many ways thanks to the precedent set by their fellow towns people and other scabs.

Kevin Morley Branch Secretary IRSP Dublin.

Recession

2009-05-04T01:32:00.000-07:00

Much clap trap has been preached by the modern owners of the means of production, the bourgeoisie, about the merits of the "private sector" within post modern industry and the demerits of the "public sector". These same hypocritical people will continue to inform us of the current recession within the bourgeois economy. They will often make refference to the so called "great slump", though it was anything but great in the words enjoyable sence, of 1929 and how bad things were. On this they are quite correct, times were difficult, very difficult, but not so much for the capitalist class as much as the working class.

In the United States of America where the "slump" started, when the capitalist Stock Exchange (Wall Street) crashed, conditions for the working class were atrocious to say the least. Many people of bourgeois origin joined gangster organisations led by such people as Al Capone. With this increase in organised crime were dragged a number of disposessed workers. However this is not the main theme of this brief argument.

As I said earlier the private sector are continuously knocking publicly funded industries and service providers. They do not, however, give the full picture after all why should they? One reason the present recession has not reached the levels of depravation of 1929 is simply because of the public sector. In 1929 only 5% of the economy in the United States consisted of state or semi-state concerns, today it is nearer 30% which may account largely as to why the US economy, dire as it may be, will not reach the 1929 levels. Such concerns are not dependant on profit making greed. This greed by the capitalist class, and all that goes with it, is wholly responsible for the mess the economies of the , what we refer to as developed countries, are in.

Broaden this argument out onto a more global basis and the next time you hear the likes of Michael O'Leary Chairman of Ryan Air, Denis O'Brien, or any other so called captain of industry slagging off the public sector in defence of their own narrow interests within the private arena consider the possibility that it could be this same public sector which is staving off the depths of depression of 1929. Don't be fooled by their lies of self preservation. Economic recessions like most other issues within the capitalist system are very much class issues. As it should not have escaped any sane thinking persons perception the rich lose very little while the working class lose, in many cases, everything.

The next time, which wont be very long, the so called "Captains of Industry" are heared trying to riddicule the public sector, on the idiotic grounds that they are not profitable, spare a thought for the possibility that it may be this same public sector which is saving the capitalist economy from even greater depression. The so called model of "perfect competition", of which there is very little perfection, is one of the major causes of working class misery and not the goods and services which are state or semi-state run. For example the health service and the local authorities which, so far, are not embroiled in this semi-imbecile system the bourgeoisie are pleased to inform us is the finest available. The proof of this capitalist lie is evident on a daily basis simply turn on the news or buy a newspaper.

William Thompson

National Hunger Strike Commemoration 24th May.

2009-05-03T09:39:00.000-07:00

The IRSP National Hungerstrike Commemoration will be taking place in Derry on Sunday 24th May, Assemble 2pm William Street. If you are interested in traveling to this do not hesitate to email the Dublin IRSP for contact details.Commemorate the Hunger Strikers, Do not let there death`s be in vain.

THE DEMOLITION OF NO. 16 MOORE STREET

2009-04-13T23:19:00.000-07:00

On Easter Monday April 13th 2009 a march took place in Dublin to mark the 93rd anniversary of the Easter Rising. The march which began at Liberty Hall, the route taken by the men and women of the Irish Citizen Army, Irish Volunteers and the Cumann na mBann ninety three years ago, to the GPO was non party political and all were welcome. The attendance of around three hundred was encouraging considering the wintry conditions and the parade was headed by two pipers. The major themes of the oration, delivered at the GPO and Moore Street respectively, were the role of women in the struggle for Irish freedom 1916-1923, of which there were considerable and whom are often wrongly overlooked, and the states plans to demolish number 16 Moore Street. This building has been the centre of some controversy for some time because of its value as a historical monument. The argument is that number 16 Moore Street and the whole block of buildings thereafter was the last garrison to surrender on the 29th April 1916 and therefore is a site of national heritage, this argument is absolutely correct. This is the site where the petit figure of nurse Elizabeth O'Farrel, Cumann na mBann,l delivered a message to Brigadier-General William Lowe, Commander British forces Dublin, from Padraic Pearse, Commander In Chief Irish forces, wishing to "treat" on terms of surrender. This was to save Dublin for any furhter loss of life and destruction. It was this building where a seriously wounded James connolly had been moved to on a stretcher and despite many popular myths was the final stand of the rebel forces and not, as has often being sited the GPO.

It is the intention of the twenty six county government to destroy this block of buildings probably to make way for their friends in the property development business. As the speaker, from the National Graves Association, correctly pointed out "in any other European city this building would be protected for posterity"how right he was/is. Could anybody imagine the French pulling down buildings in Paris which had historical connections to 1789? or the Cubans destroying tributes to their revolution of 1959 and painting over the murals of Che Guevara? even the English maintain their sites of historical interest including a statue of Oliver Cromwell who had a kings head removed from his shoulders. However there are no such sentiments in Ireland, it is almost as if the state want to bury the events of Easter week 1916 and one must ask, if this is the case why? Is it because the very mention of 1916 evokes a feeling of national self determination and, regarding the six counties, unfinished business? , maybe.

Number 16 Moore Street and the accompanying block are not the first set of buildings connected to Irelands past and particularly the Easter Rising to be allowed to fall into a state of dereliction. But for the sturdy work of a team of volunters Kilmanham Gaol would have been left to collapse under its own weight due to neglect. Thanks to this work it is now a museum which attracts many tourists, republican and otherwise, who are interested in Irish history. How could any government of the twenty six counties allow a building like Kilmainham to fall into such a state. This is the place where fourteen of the sixteen men executed as a result of the Easter Rising met their executioners. It is the place, the spot marked by a cross, where James Connolly was shot strapped to a chair, being unable to stand due to the severity of his wounds, and yet it is the same site which was allowed to fall into disrepair by various free state governments. The team of volunteers who restored Kilmainham deserve praise and applause for their sturdy work. Now we witness the same attitude by government to number 16 Moore Street, but not without oppossition. There are still people, sane minded people, who care enough to volunteer their services towards the restoration of the building and opposse any government plans for demolition to benefit the interests of property developers or anybody else for that mater. The Irish Republican Socialist Party wish the campaign to save number 16 Moore Street the very best and every success.

Kevin Morley

Cumann Secretary IRSP Dublin

THE SYSTEM ISN'T WORKING: DON'T BE DIVIDED

2009-04-02T02:10:00.001-07:00

Every day now we turn on our television sets and hear more of the HSE prescribed medicine of doom and gloom. We are constantly informed by congennitals about the "recession"and how if we are good boys and girls we may be out of the mess by the year 2011. These people choose their words carefully by emphasising we "may be out" of recession by the year 2011 and that is only if we are very good. By this they mean accepting lower wages leading to a lower living standards which, I might add, does not affect those who are doing the telling, accepting unemployment leading to, in many cases marriage breakup, in fact accepting anything the capitalist system deems fit to throw at us in order to maintain its existence. On many news bulletins we hear cases of unemployed people saying the such as "I've been out of work sinse Christmas, I look for work every day but there's nothing" we see ordinarily hard working people grovelling for such jobs as making hamburgers. We wittness homes being repossessed on an almost daily basis and in the extreme cases suicide. The irony is that many of these unfortunate people appear to a certain degree to blame themselves and not the capitalist system. Of course they do not actually say this but some of the orations they come out with appears to point in this direction. In february a large demonstration took place in Dublin, upwards of 120,000 people took part. Some of the participants were coming out with not very well thought out statements like "we don't mind taking a pay cut providing everybody does", music to the ears of any employer one would imagine. Others who had obviously given the subject a little more thought were coming out with the more sensible approach "why should we pay for the mess" and "we didn't cause the problem why should we pay for it". It is the latter of these approaches which bears the characteristics of sensibility. Why should working class people pay for the mess the capitalist benefactors of labour power have created. It is them and their system which is to blame, a system which we are constantly informed is the finest available to man kind. Well just look around you and make your own mind up on this ridiculous philosophy.

Unfortunately we have a minority within the ranks of the working class who are falling for the ideas of the employer sympathising far right. The "Irish jobs for Irish people" brigade who peddle ethnic and racial prejudice which divides workers up and serves the interests of the employing class. Blaming the recession on "non-nationals" or a workers skin colour is about as practical as blaming domestic cattle for climate change. The issue at stake is not what colour a workers skin may be because they are still a worker and, like their caucasian counterpart, they are still exploited and will end up, again just the same, on the scrap heap. The issue in question is the private ownership of the means of production, control and exchange. All the modern technology and machinery which should make life more pleasurable for all of us are in the private hands of a few greedy capitalists. They use these commodities, as they do that other great comodity workers labour power, to amass huge profits. This done the wealth creators, the working class, are surplus to requirements. It is not "non-nationals" who have created this mess but caucasian capitalists. A recent example of workers discriminating against workers on the grounds of ethnic or national origin and/or skin colour is the Cork branch of the taxi drivers. The taxi drivers are in dispute nationally over reductions in living standards, quite rightly so, and in Cork a minority of drivers are denying "non-nationals" membership of their trade union. This is shallow narrow minded bigotry to say the least and ethnocentricm and racism would paint a more descriptive picture. These taxi drivers are playing into their tormentors hands by dividing themselves on these grounds. The "non-nationals" have applied to join the union and have been refused membership on the grounds outlined. This suits the government down to the ground. Fortunately the taxi drivers nationally have distanced themselves from these political illiterates but nevertheless these minority views, or lack of, must not go unchecked. If society repatriated all "non-nationals" tomorrow and a situation of "Irish jobs for Irish people" evolved within three months there would be Irish workers looking for work again just the same as now. The reason for this is nothing to do with "non-nationals", how could it be under this scenario they would have all gone home, it is to do with the ownership of the means of production, control and exchange. The private ownership of. If under the above scenario an employer, now employing "Irish workers", aquired a technologically advanced computerised piece of equipment which could do the work of ten people, be it in an office, factory or building site, then these workers, Irish or otherwise would be surplus to requirements. Who then would these bigots blame, people with grey hair because they are too old? or perhaps women workers?, the age old arument about womens place being in the home! Eventually they would have run out of scapegoats when, unfortunately, it is too late. Then the employers come to make the bigots and racists redundant and they cry for help and there is nobody left to answer their call. Remember a worker is a worker, the exploited are the exploited and ethnic and national origin or skin colour is of no relavence to this fact. Dont allow yourselves to be divided.

The only aspect of everyday existence which is not working is capitalism itself. Capitalism "is not intelligent, it is not beautiful, it is not just, it is not virtuous and it does not deliver the goods" (John Maynard Keynes economist). Take a look around you and evidence of these words are apparent every day. There are times when the capitalist system requires the services of working class people, until they find an advanced machine when they don't, and that is in what we are suppossed to call boom times to amass huge profits for the parasite class. When enough profits have been made the result is what we are wittnessing now on a daily basis. We have produced ourselves out of a job simply because we have been instructed by the bosses to do so. The bosses are constantly telling us about the merits of what they call "perfect competition" which there is nothing perfect about at all. This insane system has firm competing against firm and, more importantly worker against worker and, like all competitions from football onwards there has to be a loser. These losers can be seen seeking new employment daily, some blaming themselves for asking a living wage from their previous employer. Some actually feel sorry for their former exploiters and apportion a certain amount of blame to themselves for him/her going out of business. The fact that they, the former employers, are still millionaires or, in some cases, billionaires does not enter the equation. Even now we can hear the employers saying such tried, tested and failed statements as "we must become more competative again" normally through their mouthpiece IBEC (Irish Business and Employers Confederation). Albert Einstein described insanity as trying the same failed method again and expecting a different result. Just look around you as evidence of this scientists words.

The services of working cl;ass people are once again required at that approximately five year event called election time. It is at this time when the democracy factor which partly comprises the formula called liberal democracy comes into play. Here for five minuets of one day we are allowed to partake in the political process by electing a government to run the affairs of, and for the benefit of, the capitalist class. As the former Lord Mayor of London, Ken Livingstone, once said: "If voting changed anything they'd abolish it", very true. However this is not to say don't vote at all because it is your only very limited democratic right left. Liberal democracy must never be confused with the real thing, and this farce takes place in all countries which we for some reason are pleased to call "advanced", which would include democratic accountability for all those elected to positions of authority. Access to these people on a daily basis, be it at work or at a local and national level, the common ownership of the means of production, control and distribution under workers control. Production for the needs of the people as oppossed to the profits of the few. A better stable more harmonious world for all would be the order of the day. It is possible but the penny must drop first. Stop blaming straw men for the problems of capitalism, stop being appoligists for a system which from cradle to grave is geared to exploitation of the many by the few. If it has been good enough for you, foolishly, don't let it be good enough for your children and grandchildren. "THE GREAT APPEAR GREAT BECAUSE WE ARE ON OUR KNEES. LET US RISE", often quoted from Camille Desmoulins by James Connolly.

Bill Haywood

2009-04-02T02:09:00.001-07:00

GET RID OF THIS LIABILITY

2009-03-24T02:39:00.000-07:00

On Monday the 23rd of March, 2009, the bourgeois media could triumphantly inform us that one of the states largest trade unions, IMPACT, had failed to secure the required two thirds majority to take part in strike action on Mondy 30th March organised by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) . The strike which is schedueled for one day only, not really long enough to have any major impact, is to demonstrate workers anger at government and employers cuts in public spending resulting in even more inferiour public services, job losses, pension levies, pay cuts and freezes etc. etc . IMPACT received a 65% majority in favour of taking part in the strike which was a mere 1% short of the two thirds needed which is ridiculous.

This rule is a liability to any form of organised fight back and, noticibaly, is undemocratic. It is a liability because it is weighted towards the benefit of the employers who only need a 35% minority to vote against strike action thus cancelling out the will of the majority who are in favour. Could anybody imagine this rule reversed. Let us say that 35% voted for strike action and 65% against and the union went ahead with the action there would be cries of undemocratic, communist dictators, union barons holding the country and their own members to ransom and may more reactionary orations. This liability rule not only applies to this particular day of action it applies, unless there is a rule change, to all strikes in the future. ICTU and the IMPACT leadership should ignore the fact that a two thirds majority was not achieved and concentrate on the democratic will of the majority and go ahead with taking part in the strike. When the time comes that a 35% minority can dictate to the 65% majority then even by the limited democratic machinery of liberal democracy the word, democracy and its workings, must be called into question. Let us not forget the present capitalist system only pays lip service to democracy and only then when it suits the ruling class and their governmental puppets. Remember 65% is a far larger majority and therefore mandate than those who masquerade as government in the Dail have ever received.

Finally those unions who operate this ridiculous one sided two thirds rule should seriously consider revising their rule books. A simple majority of 50.5% should be adequate to call strike action, though this it could be argued is too close to call so let us say 53%. This would give clear daylight between those in favour of strike action and those oppossed. This rule amendment should apply to all unions, ICTU affiliated or not and whether the employers and government like it or not.

Joe Hill

RELIGION STILL THE OPIATE OF THE MASSES

2009-03-23T10:05:00.000-07:00

I was interested to read in the March edition of the Catholic church magazine "alive" about a twelve year old girl supporting the pro-life stance on abortion using the youtube. The headline on page 16 read '12-yea-old Lia's oro-life talk a big hit on youtube'. The article went on to inform us triumphantly, 'Lia a twelve year old girl in Toronto, Canada, caused ructions in her school and has become a youtube sensation with a five minute pro-life talk'. The talk was part of a school topic which the school tried to talk the child out of on the grounds that it was 'too mature and controvercial', and that if she stuck to it she would be disqualified'. Her mother tried to talk her out of it but to no avail. In the end she relented saying "I really believe it's something that God put in her heart", does not sound much like talking her out of it . Much to the delight of the church Lia won the competition, after a great deal of comotion including one pro-life judge stepping down after she was initially disqualified. The rest of the panel then reversed their decision and declared her the winner.

What I can not understand is why a girl of twelve would choose such a subject without some form of brainwashing. Accepting that she is very academically advanced for her age, and this advancement should not be stifled, and given the state of the global economy would it not have been more appropriate to speak on something more topical, like the state of the world economy, which she could still have brought her religion into, after all did Jesus not kick out all the capitalists from the temple?, the very people who have caused the global economic crisis we are now witnessing. Of course this would not have gone down too well with the Catholic hierarchy, themselves pro-capitalist, and would perhaps not have been allowed to go out as her topic. A twelve year old girl, scientifically barely able to concieve, giving a talk on the de-merits of abortion does not ring true unless somebody, not divine intervention, was pulling the strings. In todays world it would have been expected that a twelve year old girl of such mental development would be more likely to speak about a womans right to choose, which would make more sense. One problem with this and that is the church would not approve but since when has this mattered to the planets twelve year olds?, unless some form of brainwashing has taken place.

It is perhaps time that the church, all religions and denominations, were stopped from filling childrens heads with something which may or may not have happened. It must be very confusing for children of impressionable ages coming out of one lesson on religion and then going into a class on Darwinism. You can not believe in both it is a total paradox and all the scientific evidence points to the correctness of Darwin.

There are other denominations of Christianity all equally guilty of the same system of brainwashing. The Protestant religion, for example decided to re-write the rules to suit the needs of a King who wanted a divorce and, more importantly, the new aspiring class in society the mercantile capitalists. If the original Bible was true how then can the re-written one with a few alterations be also true? Why, before the industrial revolution, was the Bible written in Latin which only the priests could understand? When it was decided that people needed to learn the basics of literacy they were tought to read selected pieces from the Bible, now written in English and other relavent languages. The reason for the need to read and write, very basic at that, was so they could understand how to operate the new machinery owned by the new industrialists. While learning to read and write they could brainwash themselves by learning from the Bible. The only day they got away from the eternal slavery of work was Sunday and guess what, to enable them to go to church. While at church these early proleterians, like their predecessors from feudalism, could learn how to be a poor man on this earth but be rich in the kingdom of heaven. If this was not programming not to question and accept their lot down here, that being poverty, what was?

Then we have our overpaid clergymen and in certain denominations women, who get paid a fortune to ensure this state of ignorance continues. However when the capitalist class found they could increase profits by making Sunday to all intents and purposes a "normal" day the fact that this was suppossed to be Gods day is conviniently forgotten, similar to all the other inconvinient things attached to religion which affects profits.

Marx was right with his description of "religion being the opiate of the masses" and the day it ceases to be is the day the capitalist system will disgard it.

Caoimhin

Dublin

The Permanent Crisis of Capitalism

2009-03-10T01:25:00.000-07:00

As the world economic system staggers from crisis to crisis and the politicians try to tamper and reform the irreformable and come up with new words such as"recapitalisation" reffering to the banks it becomes increasingly more clear that they have not got a clue what to do. Workers are once again being asked to bail out a system by accepting pay reductions, pension levy's, another word for pay cuts, a system which in times of what passes for normality exploits them, denies them a sizable chunk of the wealth they have created under the name of profit, simply because the bourgeoisie have not got a clue what to do. The irony is the level of workers anger goes from mild indignation to radical protest, though still short at the moment of revolutionary fervour. Some workers have been heard to say we don't mind "paying our share" as long as everybody else does. This of course is the wrong argument and other workers take a more militant stance by stating the more radical view "why should we pay" which is somewhat more correct. Why should an already exploited proletariat bail out the ever hungry bourgeoisie out of the mess them and their imbecile system have got us all into? The answer is the working class should not bail the system out and our advice is don't. Instead of the ICTU unions calling one day strikes serious consideration should be given to calling an all out indefinate general stoppage. If the union leadership are unable, unwilling or both to give this lead then the proletariat should set up their own shop stewards committees over the heads of their collaborating leadership. Don't moan organise.

We are told there is going to be a "mini budget" in Ireland during April when those who masquerade as politicians will tamper with the system again, pretending to have some idea what they are dioing and fooling nobody. There is one thing they will not do, either through pretentions or reality, and that is question the validity of the capitalist economic system itself. They will never put it up to the exploiters of labour that it is their greed and constant pursuit of ever greater profits which are largely to blame for this mess. They will never critisise the theory of "perfect competition" of which there is very little if anything perfect about,just look around you. They certainly will not advocate complete nationalisation of the banks leading to one state controlled central bank, after all who needs all these small private banks? During the days of the Soviet Union, despite its grotesque distortions, did the State Bank of Moscow ever go bust? No it did not.

In the UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown keeps reliably informing us that the economy is in a problematic state because the problem is "global". If the British economy is in a state it may well be affected by the condition of international idiocity, capitalism, but this does not stop them spending millions of pounds per day waging war in other countries, Iraq and Afghanistan, fighting organisations they helped to put there in the first place. The United States are even more guilty of this crime, after all was it not them and, to a slightly lesser extent Britain, who supplied the mujaheddin when they were fighting the Soviet Union who, incidentally were there through invitation of the then socialist (of sorts) President of Afghanistan, and it was a CIA backed coup in Iraq 1978 which placed Saddam Hussein at the helm in that country. These operations and ventures tend to make a mockery of statements such as "there is no money" which we are now more than used to hearing.

What the 26 county government should be doing, but rest assured will not, is advocating a strong hands on economic policy based on planning. Drop the myth of perfect competition which sets firm against firm and therefore worker against worker, which it is designed to do and nationalise all large industry including the multinationals US or otherwise as well as indigenous companioes. It should be remembered that the profits of these multinationals are not calculated into the GDP of Ireland but the GNP of the sending country. This is money, like all wealth, is created through labour in Ireland and now Ireland needs that money therefore take it.

The Irish state are very good when it suits at remembering the 1916 leaders one of whom was a revolutionary marxist, James Connolly, yet they do everything which would have been an atithesis to everything Connolly stood for. After nationalisation all the means of production should be put under workers control and a system of production for the needs of the people as oppossed to the profit of the few adopted. Once again rest assured we will hear non of these sentiments from Brian Cowen (Biffo) in the budget, such a system will have to come from below, from the disspossesed working class through popular revolution the question is are we ready for such revolutionary change?

Kevin

IRSP Dublin

New Years Statement from Leadership of IRSM

2008-12-31T17:27:00.000-08:00

1st January 2009

The IRSP send greetings to all our members and supporters as we enter 2009 . We send sincere solidarity greetings to all republican Prisoners, at home or abroad. We express our fullest solidarity with the people of the Gaza Strip enduring a barbarous assault by the pro-imperialist Israeli regime. We stand shoulder to shoulder with all those who resist the forces of imperialism and reactionary ideologies.We are confident that the way forward not only for all the people on the isle of Ireland but also throughout the world is through the struggle for socialism. The current crisis of capitalism is leading to an attack on the living standards of millions of working class people. Unemployment will rise, more will sink into poverty and the dangers of war increase. The only viable alternative is Socialism, which will replace the anarchy of the free market with a planned economy that caters for the needs of the majority.It is clear to many Republicans a that the current set up at Stormont is not a steppingstone to a Republic but a cementing of British rule in Ireland. The IRSP will continue to work with other republicans to expose the hollow fallacies at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement and the St Andrews Agreement. We will not be deflected by the campaign of arrests, harassment denigration and lies carried out by pro-imperialist forces north and south of the border on our membership.We urge all republicans to work in harmony with each other to expose the weaknesses of the current constitutional set up. It is not a time for “ourselves alone” philosophy.At the same time we urge all republicans and socialists to step up our activities in both the social and economic fields. Unless and until republican socialists take ownership and leadership of the day today class struggles then our struggle will not succeed.Finally we salute all our former political prisoners, all our former and current volunteers who have stood loyally by the ideals and principles of republican socialism.

The Struggle continues.

IRSP opposed to second Lisbon Referendum

2008-12-30T11:15:00.000-08:00

The Irish Republican Socialist Party are opposed to any second referendum on the Lisbon Treaty. The people have already voted on this issue last June, 2008, and rejected the advice of the establishment and their parties and kicked Lisbon out. Now because things did not go the establishments way they, and their political masters in Paris and Brussels, have decided that the people must vote again and this time, from their view point, get it right. There is one thing for certain if, last June, the outcome of the first referendum had been favourable towards the establishment parties and Lisbon was accepted there would have been more chance of finding rocking horses running at Epsom than a second referendum. The establishment are going ahead with this insult simply because they can! It can be reasonably argued that this issue, following a precedent being set after the Nice Treaty was re-run, signals the beginning of the end for the Irish Constitution. Referenda are all well and good provided they go the establishments way and when they don’t, try again. If the voice of the people is as sovereign as we are led to believe Lisbon would be dead and buried. It would appear that treaties in Ireland are similar to Brams Stockers character Dracula, the people think the beast is dead only to find it risen from the dead.Recently our political leaders came back from Brussels with some half baked tale about promises “of legally binding guarantees” which are meaningless. They are not even guarantees but merely “promises of guarantees” which are certainly not the same thing. Even the promises they have are not priority issues. The issue of a commissioner was sited by around 2-3 percent of respondents when surveyed as to why they voted no! Things which really mater to people such as the possibility of public services going out to private tender and workers rights didn’t even warrant a “promise of a guarantee”. Any workers rights will be subject to the needs of capitalism and the bosses being served adequately first meaning, the bosses will still have the right to trample all over workers except with the Lisbon Treaty behind them. The European elite gave some vague recognition of respecting Irelands neutrality while at the same time continuing to speak of “Battle Groups”. For what it is worth at a meeting, which the IRSP attended, at the offices of the European Commission in Dublin on Monday 15th December a speaker representing the Fine Gael party, Lucinda Creighton, when questioned by a representative of the Irish Anti War Movement on Irish neutrality said Ireland “was not neutral”. Fine Gael are supposed to be the party of opposition in the Dail. However when it comes to defending the class interests of the bourgeoisie there is no opposition. When the IRSP representative questioned Joe Costello, Labour Party, at the same meeting about his party’s apparent change of heart regarding a second referendum he was unable to give a straight answer. The question was put to Joe that “the Labour Party were against a second referendum after the defeat of the first one” he answered “we are opposed to a second referendum in the same format, asking the same questions”. When the Chairperson of the forum, Kevin Raffter, pushed the labour speaker asking “if you had to vote tomorrow which way would you vote” to which the beleaguered Labour TD again could not give a straight answer.As far as the IRSP are concerned there should be no second referendum as it has already been decided by the people. However given the fact that there is going to be one we, along with our colleagues in the Campaign Against European Union Constitution, will be campaigning for another rejection of the Lisbon Treaty. Lisbon mark one was essentially the ill-fated European Constitution, rejected by the French and Dutch electorate which was why these people were not allowed to vote on acceptance or rejection of the Lisbon Treaty. Just as Lisbon mark one was of no noticeable difference to the European Constitution, so too will Lisbon mark two be of any consequential difference to its ill-fated predecessor. The Irish Republican Socialist Party would strongly recommend another rejection, not that there should be a re-run in the first place, of the Lisbon Treaty. We would warn people who may be undecided that any “promises of guarantees” are a far cry from written guarantees and must not be taken in the same light. Even if the government do manage to get something more concrete on the area of a commissioner how much importance would you, the people, place on this issue? Also do not be misled with such clap trap as “we have received a declaration” from the European Commission because, like “promises of guarantees”, declarations are meaningless. They are not protocols, they hold no legal weight no more than do promises.Finally we might remind people of the words of former French President Valery Giscard d Estang on the Lisbon Treaty, in order to deny the French people a referendum, the treaty should be designed to “head off any threat of referenda by avoiding any form of constitutional vocabulary”. This was echoed by the Belgium Foreign Minister, Karel de Gucht, who said “the aim of this treaty is to be unreadable”, in other words don’t let the people have a clue what they are voting on. There will be no fundamental difference in Lisbon mark two to that of mark one, simply because it can’t be changed without rewriting the whole document and it has taken too long for the European bourgeoisie to concoct for that to happen. The bottom line is there will be no change in the meaning or content of the Lisbon Treaty, make sure there is no change in the outcome of the vote. When the time comes vote NO .

Kevin Morley
Secretary Irish Republican Socialist Party
Dublin Cumann

Dublin IPSC Pickets

2008-12-29T06:58:00.000-08:00

We in the Dublin IRSP have attended 2 pickets organised by the IPSC in Dublin, one on the 28th and one today the 29th. We as Republican Socialists stand in solidarity with the people of Palestine and reach out our arm of comradeship to these hurting people.
We completely condemn these atrocities which are no more then terrorist attacks on a smaller nation. We ask of all our supporters and right minded individuals to take there stand in supporting these people in there time of need.
We will continue to highlight the Situation within Gaza in our own work.

We support the People of Palestine.

Why not the Good Friday Agreement?

2008-12-15T11:33:00.000-08:00

People ask, ‘why not support the Good Friday Agreement’, ‘why not support a document that favours peace over war’, ‘why not support an agreement that creates a chance of peace for Ireland?

The Good Friday Agreement is, yet, another agreement written up by the British Government, on their terms and signed by Irish representatives who claim to be fighting, through whatever means, to establish an 32 county Irish Republic which cannot happen under the current British and Irish Government rulings. Their rulings favour the rich and promise to protect property, wealth and natural resources from the working people of Ireland, the same people who built this country. We favour an Ireland where everyone works and everyone reaps the rewards from the country's wealth and natural resources.

The Good Friday Agreement grants a minority Unionist Veto over a united Ireland, it institutionalises Sectarianism and creates yet another stumbling block for the Republic and its supporters. All of this is made possible at the direction of the supporters of the Good Friday Agreement.

The supporters of the Good Friday Agreement have waved POW status for Republican prisoners, painting them as criminals and have sold out the Irish hunger-strikers of 1981 by supporting an agreement that has secured the criminalisation of their cause and the retraction of the demands fought for, through peaceful means and which led to their deaths. Supporters of the Good Friday Agreement seem to have forgotten that it is the hunger strikers of 1981 amongst others who brought our struggle to the attention of the world and gained international support for our fight for justice.

Those who stand against the Good Friday Agreement are standing for a nation built on equal rights, justice, true peace, the opposition of exploitation of all of its peoples and that the wealth and resources of Ireland be handed back, and with direct control, to the people of Ireland. Not to any church or any wealthy elite but to the working people with representation from an elected body, through democratic vote, within their communities.

The only way of achieving this is by completely opposing British and corporate Imperialism and building an Irish Republic that is a socialist state by definition. A state built by normal people for normal people. Like shop built by those who also use such shops, it will outshine those built by the wealthy. This is what is feared by the wealthy elite in Downing Street, Washington and Lenister house as it will topple those corrupt ‘leaders’ from their position of corrupted powers and this is also why such powers support the Good Friday Agreement as a 'peace agreement'.

Republican Socialism Defined

2008-12-15T11:18:00.000-08:00

This is Republican Socialism!

The Irish Republican Socialist Party is an organisation created by and for working class people, to aid working class liberation in Ireland and internationally with others who share that common goal. The IRSP stands in the tradition of James Connolly, seeking an end to all forms of exploitation and the creation of a 32 county socialist republic, with the working class collectively owning the means of production, distribution, and exchange, as well as democratically administering society.

Socialism:
The socialism we embrace is the kind that liberates, not enslaves. We strive towards a society that functions to meet human needs, not the need for profit. Our socialism is a means of liberating our class from all forms of oppression, whether economic, political, religious, cultural or social. It is a socialism that envisions our class controlling their own destinies and that of the nation as a whole.

National Liberation:
The struggle for national liberation cannot be separated from the class struggle. Any attempt to isolate one from the other will result in failure. It is meaningless to speak of a free nation, if the overwhelming majority remain oppressed, and national sovereignty is lost through multinational corporate control of the economy just as much as by partition. At the same time, someone who refuses to challenge British imperialism in Ireland cannot claim to be fighting for socialism and the continuation of partition props up the divisions in the working class of Ireland that hold us back from our own liberation. We have no choice in whether or not we wish to consider the interconnection of the national and class questions, reality forces us to do so.

We define the national liberation struggle as that struggle which seeks to force a British military withdrawal from the occupied six counties. The destruction of the pro-British loyalist armed forces. The withdrawal of British political influence from all parts of Ireland. The ending the partition of the island of Ireland and the overturning of both the partionist governments presently administering political affairs of Ireland. The gaining of collective economic control of the nation's resources by the nation as a whole and the eradication of any control or influence exercised by foreign capitalists over any aspect of the Irish economy. The recognition of a separate Irish cultural identity and the establishment of revolutionary 32- county socialist republic.

We aim to build a strong alliance in Irish society of our class in towns and cities, agricultural workers in the country-side, unemployed workers, working class refugees, linked as a movement internationally with other like-minded liberation struggles.
We firmly stand-by the struggle for a republic. On that we are inflexible, but our struggle for the republic is a means to an end. For us, the national liberation struggle is but an aspect of the struggle for socialism.

Loyalism & Nationalism :
We distinguish between loyalism and Protestantism. We recognise the right of everyone to their own religious beliefs, provided they do not use these beliefs to oppress others. We have no quarrel with Protestant workers and welcome them to join us in struggle. However, we stand totally opposed to the political ideology of loyalism. Loyalism is a reactionary, sectarian and proimperialist ideology, with which we can make no compromise. We recognise that nationalism in the context of the Irish struggle is progressive, but we also recognise that nationalism can play a reactionary role. The national chauvinism of the Tories, National Front, etc. is counterrevolutionary and anathema to socialists. The nationalism of an oppressed country is vastly different from such reactionary jingoism. We support all struggles against imperialism throughout the world.

Class mobilisation Only by mobilising our class north and south - Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter - can the goal of national liberation and socialism be achieved. Workers have distinct interests as a class, ultimately opposed to any other class, we must join together as a class to win control of society.

For a fighting union :
As republican socialists, we take lesson from battles that have gone before us, in the community and in the workplace. We must reclaim our unions and organise the unorganised. We remain committed to the revolutionary industrial unionism of Larkin and Connolly. As republican socialists we see the creation of a fighting 'rank and file' trade union movement as something that still holds potential and we support the building of a revolutionary shop stewards' movement.

Equality:
Our class faces daily, relentless assaults inflicted on us from many quarters and a constant onslaught of attempts to divide us. The IRSP oppose and fight against all forms of inequality and oppression, including that of women, travellers, lesbians, gays, or other sexual minorities, refugees, Africans, Asians, and any other oppressed sector of the working class. We oppose racism, Zionism, sexism, homophobia, national chauvinism, and anything else which divides our class. We support reproductive rights and unhindered access to contraception, including a woman's right to choose abortion. We are opposed to religious sectarianism and seek the complete separation of church and state and a secular society.

Our Earth:
The increasing destruction of our environment is due to mismanagement of industrialisation and the inevitable product of a system, which puts profit before all else, that is, capitalism. The IRSP is committed to sustainable and renewable energy sources, preservation of the ecology and biodiversity of our planet, with protection of all species and the promotion of a healthy environment for all people and animal life

Revolution not Reform :
The IRSP believe that the present class system cannot be reformed out of existence. There exists no parliamentary road to socialism and the liberation of our class. We need to build an organised working class movement with the politics capable of leading the fight against capitalism. Our class are entitled to control over all the wealth of society and to obtain it through any means necessary.

If you agree with us, then we urge you to join the Irish Republican Socialist Party and help build a movement that can accomplish these aims and objectives.
Be part of the Irish revolution!

Seamus Costello 2008 Oration

2008-12-14T11:21:00.000-08:00

Delivered by Paul Little, IRSP Ard Comhairle member

Comrades,

It is an honour and a privilege to be asked to speak here today at this commemoration to remember our comrade Seamus Costello, who in the words of Nora Connolly O'Brien, daughter of James Connolly, Seamus was "the only one who truly understood what James Connolly meant when he spoke of his vision of the freedom of the Irish people." No better tribute could have been paid to Seamus and indeed sums up Seamus as an outstanding revolutionary who believed as Connolly did that there could be no national liberation struggle without the class struggle. And that stands true today. Comrades, for us in the Republican Socialist Movement passionately believe that the class and liberation struggle are one. And we should all follow the example laid before us by James Connolly and Seamus Costello of making the goals of national liberation and socialism a reality. It is important for us as republican socialists to keep the memory of the man alive and indeed carry his vision of a better Ireland forward, for ourselves, and future generations.
In 1974 Seamus and other republican socialists formed the Irish Republican Socialist Party in an attempt to build a party of the Irish working class and with the formation of the Irish National Liberation Army, he saw this as the vanguard of the anti-imperialist struggle to end British rule in Ireland once and for all. Seamus seen capitalism, whether native or foreign, as much the enemy of the working class as British imperialism. Comrades, we must oppose capitalism with as much vigour as we oppose British rule. That means organising a proper revolutionary party, involving ourselves in our communities, our trade unions and embracing all the people of this island under the banner of class unity. As in Seamus' time our movement has come under attack from our enemies in the Dublin regime through draconian laws which are no more than internment on the word of a single garda. We send greetings to our comrades in Portlaoise and indeed to all republican prisoners.
We also condemn the mistreatment of Aidan Hulme, a republican prisoner in Portlaoise and demand that he gets proper medical attention. He is currently in Portlaoise and is suffering from very severe injuries to his lower legs which have basically confined him to bed 24 hours a day. Last week a doctor advised that Aidan get immediate medical treatment in a specialised unit, so far this has not happened. We demand that it does happen and we send Aidan our best wishes. Seamus Costello, along with others, established the Republican Socialist Movement in 1974 at the height of the struggle against British imperialism and severe economic hardship across the island. The Ireland that Seamus grew up in enjoyed none of the democratic rights envisioned by republicans in the Easter proclamation the democratic program. So Seamus joined the IRA and Sinn Fein at an early age and devoted his life to achieving national self-determination and democracy for the people of Ireland. It was when he entered the Curragh as an internee that Seamus and others defined the way forward for the Irish Republican struggle.
He instigated and developed the resurgence in "Connolyite" republicanism and pulled republicanism not only to the left, but directly into the everyday lives of the people of Ireland. When Seamus, as Connolly had done, made the connections between the struggle for independence and social issues, he made the Irish republican struggle relevant for the working class in Ireland. Seamus had a powerful gift of analysing the problems that the people of Ireland faced and offered attractive and radical alternatives to them. Comrades, if we look at the political landscape of Ireland today, can we honestly say that the lot of the Irish people has improved? Of course not. Recent economic reports deliver conflicting accounts of where Ireland stands. Last year, the United Nations published its Human Development Report for 2006 and Ireland ranked 17th in the human poverty index. Last year also marked the publication of another report: Bank of Ireland Private Banking published its annual Wealth of the Nation report -- and the picture painted was rather different. We were told that, in terms of net wealth per capita, Ireland was the world's second-richest country after Japan. After the few years of unfettered free market boom of the "Celtic Tiger," huge wealth was generated into a few hands here in the 26 Counties. There was a spending spree in the private housing sector.
Unfortunately, this huge generation of private wealth and its accompanying spending spree largely bypassed the essential public services on which we all depend, particularly health and education. The building boom in the private sector was not matched by public housing output, and we ended the boom with more than 43,000 households on local authority waiting lists -- an increase of nearly 60 per cent since 1996. When one includes those who cannot afford to buy or rent on the private market, the total number of people in housing need is 250,000. And while the country's top chief executives could look forward to salary packages topping €1 million annually. How can this be justified? How can the welfare and education systems fail so many people here due to lack funding? We have a situation where our natural resources are sold to the highest bidder, Shell, as in the case of the Corrib Gas Field off the coast of Mayo.
These resources are the property of the people of Ireland and they should not be sold off for short term political and economic gain. We are facing an inevitable capitalist crash with rising unemployment and huge demand for stable homes and communities. Then nationalise the construction industry to employ people to build more homes for those who need them. Don't nationalise the debt created by greedy fat executives who won't be freezing in there homes this winter. Ireland today suffers from all the problems that the Ireland of Seamus Costello suffered. The answers can be found in the radical thinking and analysis of Seamus Costello and if we apply his analysis we can't go far wrong. Seamus had a passion for the Irish struggle, which he saw as inseparable from the struggle for working class emancipation. He was able to inspire those around him to devote their time and energy to the struggle with this passion.
Comrades, we know the problems that we face. Capitalism is again on the ropes and this will affect us all but we must use this situation to benefit the working class. We must be ready to take advantage and to promote socialism as a real and viable alternation to the boom and bust of capitalism. Seamus has left us with the radical politics that can solve them. He has left us a vehicle with which to carry those ideas. It is up to us to show some of Seamus´ passion for change and start to put things right.
Fall in behind the party of the Irish working class, the IRSP.
Smash imperialism and smash capitalism!
Onwards to victory, comrades!

Mchael Campbell Protest

2008-12-14T04:19:00.000-08:00

Saturday the 14th of December was a show of unity in Dublin 4 as
Comrades of the IRSP Dublin Cumman Joined by Dundalk comrades,
Stood on a picket/protest with the 32csm I.R.P.W.A supporting the release of Michael Campbell from a lithuanian Jail.
This case is one of many that we see here today going through the Special Criminals Court But saturday the stand of fellow republicans will hopefully show that no longer will republicans stand by while like minded men and women are incarcerated for there beliefs.
As the Gerry Adams once said "we havent gone away you know" this is true today as it was the day it was said regarding Organizations who stand by the POWs.
Well Done to the IRSP and 32csm for taking there stand.

Dublin IRSP Against Public Service Cuts

2008-12-09T16:41:00.000-08:00

On December the 6th members of the Dublin Cumman joined 70,000 marchers on the streets of Dublin protesting against Brian Cowens government and there decisions to implement far right policies by introducing Student fees and also

The Alternative

2008-12-09T16:23:00.000-08:00

In many of our activities as a Party we in the IRSP are often asked, occasionally in a hostile manner, but more often in a resigned but curious way,

“So What’s your Alternative to the Good Friday Agreement?”

Often as not the question is posed by supporters of the Provisionals or by ex members of that movement who simply walked away in disgust at the direction their movement had taken. It is a genuine question. It is one that requires a serious answer. And it is not a question to be answered in pubs and social clubs as former ex-combatants reminisce over a few pints and ask where did it all go wrong? That’s when the mixing can be begin and as the drink flows in so does the wit flow out.

Those who now are in the ascendancy - those who now walk the corridors of power when once they walked the streets in protest, can feel secure in the knowledge that there is no serious opposition to their hegemony.
The Administration At Stormont (TASS) has no serious parliamentary opposition. The pathetic little Alliance party is desperately trying to get the Ulster Unionist Party to give up the fruits of office and join them in opposition. But any opposition based on the Alliance or unionist perspectives would be a false opposition because they all fundamentally accept the prevailing economic policies pushed by the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the USA Government.

Of course there will be minor differences within TASS. The two main nationalist Parties PSF and SDLP will place more emphasis on “social justice” and “equality” while the unionist parties will emphasise issues s such as “law and order” and “economic stability” and “prudence.” When elections loom both sides will then revert to banging the big drum of nationalism of unionism to stroke up the sectarian flames and bring out their voters.

It is also most unlikely that a coherent electoral opposition could be established before the next elections to create a new TAAS. Any such opposition would have to be built on clear opposition to the economic and social policies of the current TASS. It would have to be socialist, have some prospects of success to generate support and have no illusions that there really is a parliamentary road to socialism. No organisation now existing would seem to have these credentials. Nor would there necessarily be agreement that such credentials would be essential. In other words all those on the left would soon find reasons to fall out with each other and denounce the SWP/SP/CPI/ etc as traitors to the class struggle.

So in the sense of parliamentary opposition it is true there is no alternative to the GFA.
But generally the question is not posed in terms of economic or social alternatives but in republican terms and is posed in such terms that really only two alternatives are allowed for - the continuation of armed struggle or settling for TASS.
Armed struggle in Ireland has a romantic tinge about it, particularly when posed in terms of heroic sacrifice or in terms of the heroism of the Easter Week uprising. Indeed it has almost achieved such status that to question its efficacy is akin to blasphemy. During the period of the seventies and eighties few dared to raise their voices within republican circles about armed struggle. To do so would be to invite all sorts of insults such as “sticky” or “peace lover” Ironic is it not that some of those most passionate about denouncing “Stickies” are the very ones who stole the “Stickie’s” clothes and now implement their policies.

So armed struggle was the tactic used to achieve the goal. Oh yes the goal! What exactly was that the armed struggle was for? Simple! The Socialist Republic! What does that mean? Don’t worry we will sort that out when we achieve it !! At least that was what the volunteers were told.
Yes indeed. There was in reality a lot of sloganising, a lot of passion, a lot of violence but little long term thought. Those who began to question, who raised awkward questions either about the armed strategy or the direction their leadership was going were sidelined, dismissed or killed in action. Consequently when the strategy of the long war began to look more and more threadbare and experienced volunteers became disillusioned there was little appetite for resistance to the new direction. Action had been all theory nothing. So when the action stopped Republicans were left bemused,
On the issue of the validity of armed struggle in the present day there is much argument but little clarity. Let us state clearly that as long as there is a British claim to sovereignty over any part of the island of Ireland there will always be republicans who regard it as perfectly legitimate to use force to resist that claim. That is a given.

However the question republican socialists would pose is it a viable tactic to use at this moment in time? Does it have any possibility of success? Are the balance of forces both nationally and internationally favourable to the pursuit of armed struggle. Are the forces of resistance well armed, trained, freed from informers and agents and capable of sustaining a campaign that would win popular support from the people of Ireland and be capable in the long run of forcing the British and Unionists to the negotiating table to hammer out a deal for better than the current deal encapsulated by the GFA and the St. Andrews agreement? The answer is obviously no.

Some may think that the unification of the various republican forces such as the INLA and the varying IRA’S could create a strong armed group capable of taking on the Imperialists. Not so. The political differences and analysis are so wide that it could not happen. Currently it is nearly impossible to get agreement on mounting pickets. No chance of agreement of running a war.
Also it needs to be stated clearly that the Republican Socialist analysis is such that it precludes a unification with others forces with very different approaches and policies. Our analysis is simply put. The class and national question are so intertwined that to pursue one without the other is to invite almost certain defeat. Following the defeat of the republican armed struggle and the temporary stabilisation of the six county state with its shaky TASS and coalition of four neo-liberal parties republicans must take a different direction. And clearly that direction is back to the class -the working class- for the James Connolly approach is as relevant now, if not more relevant than, when he was alive.

For at least the past 12 years we have been saying that the liberation of the working class is the task of the working class itself- that there can be no liberation without socialism. We have consistently argued against an elitist approach to the revolutionary struggle firmly basing our positions not only on Connolly and the great Marxist writers but also on our founder Seamus Costello and of course our fallen comrade Ta Power.
But of course if you read the writings of some of the “real” or “continuity” Marxists you would never know this. Take this piece of writing
“We have just come through a quite savage conflict. It seems to us that at a very minimum a new movement would have to offer some critique of the militarist strategy that led to defeat and also to have some orientation to the working class and at least initial expressions of class hostility to the Irish capitalist class and its role in advancing the imperialist offensive.”-
“A major problem over the past decade has been the reluctance of even quite sharp critics of the republican leadership to leave the republican family.
“Socialist Democracy 2nd April 2007 (http://www.socialistdemocracy.org/Correspondence/CorrespondRepublicanOpposition.html)The IRSP have offered a critique of the militarist strategy. We have clearly articulated our class position in our newspapers, our public meetings in this e-mail newsletter and in public conferences. A cursory search of our web site will confirm that.
And as regards the so-called reluctance to “leave the republican family”

we have also a very clear position on that. We deny there is any such thing as a republican family. Nor is there any such thing now as the “republican movement” What we say is there are differing republican traditions. We are the republican socialist tradition and we recognise there are other traditions such as the provisional republican movement and so on .We make no claim to be the republican movement. Such claims bear no relation to the class forces in Irish society or take account of the reality of capitalism or imperialism.

In the above-mentioned correspondence it is unclear if Socialist Democracy favour a break with Republicanism or see a new form of resistance arising from a break with provisionalism. There is however no room for ambiguity in the Socialist Workers Party’s guru Eamon McCann. Writing recently in the “radical Marxist revolutionary” newspaper, The Belfast Telegraph McCann in a critique of Gerry Adams speech at Edentubber gave his clear position
“Within the parameters of republican thinking, they have a point. And there’s the problem. Republicanism."  

(http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/opinion/article3164196.ece)
Sadly for Eamon and the Socialist Workers Party and all the other “real” socialists and Marxists, Irish republicanism for all its faults, (and we in the IRSP have been critical of those faults) is a revolutionary tendency that cannot be ignored or dismissed. We believe that it can form the core of any new revolutionary upsurge of the working class in Ireland against both imperialism and capitalism. Building such a movement is the real alternative to the Good Friday agreement. Join us in building that alternative.

Irsm Introduction

2008-12-09T15:52:00.000-08:00

We here in the Dublin Irish Republican Socialist Party are delighted to announce that the Dublin Cumman is once again back up online over the internet, Due to unforeseen circumstances with the old page members took it upon themselves to build a new page to spread the ideals and beliefs within the party.

This has been spearheaded by the Cumman as a hole and every member felt this was very important as we look to bring the party into a new era of Left Wing republicans here in Dublin.
Since 1974 the Republican Socialist movement has been active in Dublin, but over the years it has started to rebuild to show the country there is an alternative to the copper fastening of British Rule in Ireland.

As the Dublin membership is swelling and people are flocking to the cause of National liberation and the spread of Socialism, we are reminded of the words of our Founding member Seamus Costello as he said "I owe my allegiance to the working class".
When Seamus said this he launched the ideals and the beliefs that had been abandoned by the Official Republican Movement who Seamus had once been a member of.

When in 1974 Seamus Costello and other members decided to leave or had been forced from the Official Republican Movement, they carried on there Left Wing Beliefs and founded a movement that would be the radical alternative to the ORM.
On the 10th Of December 1974 with the goal and aim of "Mobilising our class towards the objective of dis-establishing the Northern colonial and Southern neo-colonial statelets on this island, thus ending imperialism and capitalism, and preparing the basic structures for an Irish Workers' State" Seamus and others like minded Independent Republicans joined together to start the Irish Republican Socialist movement.

Following soon after its formation, the Irish Republican Socialist Movement came under relentless attack from a host of adversaries. The Officials put aside their ceasefire in order to wage war on members of the IRSM, baptizing the infant movement in the blood of martyrs. The OIRA attacks continued sporadically over the course of two years, ending with the murder of the IRSP's founder and first chairperson, as well as leading theorist Seamus Costello--once Official Sinn Fein's Vice President and OIRA's Director of Operations--in October 1976. Also within the first years after the IRSM's founding, the Dublin regime unleashed what would become known as "the Heavy Gang" within the Garda against the young movement, arresting and torturing virtually the entire IRSP leadership at one point.

This shows that from early on in this movement that Dublin was very active and had a major part to play while holding this movement together through harrasment from the free state "Heavy Gang" to the execution of leading members.

In present day not much has changed as the Movement is still fighting off many of the problems that plagued the movement in the 1970s harrassment from the Draconian police force in Dublin, But as each member stands steadfast in there beliefs the movement continues to grow and as Dublin raises up a new generation of people willing to uphold the mantal that Seamus Costello risked his life and so gallantly lost it for, we call on all republicans to come and play there part.
Join the Irish Republican Socialist Party Today, Join the Revolution.

The IRSP

2008-12-09T15:46:00.000-08:00

The Irish Republican Socialist Party is a working class revolutionary party in the tradition of Tone, Marx, Lenin, Connolly, Mellows, Costello and Ta Power that leads the Republican Socialist Movement towards the objective of establishing a 32-county Workers Republic. The Party is heavily influenced by the ideas espoused in the Ta Power Document
The Party comprehensively rejects the Good Friday Agreement as an imperialist-backed undemocratic sabotage of true peace and freedom in Ireland
The party is guided by the analysis of James Connolly: that the class struggle and national liberation struggle cannot be separated, and are the only movement that uphold that analysis.
The IRSP also rejects any parliamentary road to socialism. The IRSP is an anti imperialist Party that seeks to remove the British interference in Ireland's sovereignty as an aspect of the class struggle.
The IRSP is involved in campaigns and struggles of the working class, and our membership are well represented throughout the workers' movement. The Party is well regarded for its nonsectarian approach and indeed works tirelessly to bridge the sectarian gap and heal the artificial divisions in our class created by a foreign government.