1st January 2009
The IRSP send greetings to all our members and supporters as we enter 2009 . We send sincere solidarity greetings to all republican Prisoners, at home or abroad. We express our fullest solidarity with the people of the Gaza Strip enduring a barbarous assault by the pro-imperialist Israeli regime. We stand shoulder to shoulder with all those who resist the forces of imperialism and reactionary ideologies.We are confident that the way forward not only for all the people on the isle of Ireland but also throughout the world is through the struggle for socialism. The current crisis of capitalism is leading to an attack on the living standards of millions of working class people. Unemployment will rise, more will sink into poverty and the dangers of war increase. The only viable alternative is Socialism, which will replace the anarchy of the free market with a planned economy that caters for the needs of the majority.It is clear to many Republicans a that the current set up at Stormont is not a steppingstone to a Republic but a cementing of British rule in Ireland. The IRSP will continue to work with other republicans to expose the hollow fallacies at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement and the St Andrews Agreement. We will not be deflected by the campaign of arrests, harassment denigration and lies carried out by pro-imperialist forces north and south of the border on our membership.We urge all republicans to work in harmony with each other to expose the weaknesses of the current constitutional set up. It is not a time for “ourselves alone” philosophy.At the same time we urge all republicans and socialists to step up our activities in both the social and economic fields. Unless and until republican socialists take ownership and leadership of the day today class struggles then our struggle will not succeed.Finally we salute all our former political prisoners, all our former and current volunteers who have stood loyally by the ideals and principles of republican socialism.
The Struggle continues.
Wednesday, December 31, 2008
Tuesday, December 30, 2008
IRSP opposed to second Lisbon Referendum
The Irish Republican Socialist Party are opposed to any second referendum on the Lisbon Treaty. The people have already voted on this issue last June, 2008, and rejected the advice of the establishment and their parties and kicked Lisbon out. Now because things did not go the establishments way they, and their political masters in Paris and Brussels, have decided that the people must vote again and this time, from their view point, get it right. There is one thing for certain if, last June, the outcome of the first referendum had been favourable towards the establishment parties and Lisbon was accepted there would have been more chance of finding rocking horses running at Epsom than a second referendum. The establishment are going ahead with this insult simply because they can! It can be reasonably argued that this issue, following a precedent being set after the Nice Treaty was re-run, signals the beginning of the end for the Irish Constitution. Referenda are all well and good provided they go the establishments way and when they don’t, try again. If the voice of the people is as sovereign as we are led to believe Lisbon would be dead and buried. It would appear that treaties in Ireland are similar to Brams Stockers character Dracula, the people think the beast is dead only to find it risen from the dead.Recently our political leaders came back from Brussels with some half baked tale about promises “of legally binding guarantees” which are meaningless. They are not even guarantees but merely “promises of guarantees” which are certainly not the same thing. Even the promises they have are not priority issues. The issue of a commissioner was sited by around 2-3 percent of respondents when surveyed as to why they voted no! Things which really mater to people such as the possibility of public services going out to private tender and workers rights didn’t even warrant a “promise of a guarantee”. Any workers rights will be subject to the needs of capitalism and the bosses being served adequately first meaning, the bosses will still have the right to trample all over workers except with the Lisbon Treaty behind them. The European elite gave some vague recognition of respecting Irelands neutrality while at the same time continuing to speak of “Battle Groups”. For what it is worth at a meeting, which the IRSP attended, at the offices of the European Commission in Dublin on Monday 15th December a speaker representing the Fine Gael party, Lucinda Creighton, when questioned by a representative of the Irish Anti War Movement on Irish neutrality said Ireland “was not neutral”. Fine Gael are supposed to be the party of opposition in the Dail. However when it comes to defending the class interests of the bourgeoisie there is no opposition. When the IRSP representative questioned Joe Costello, Labour Party, at the same meeting about his party’s apparent change of heart regarding a second referendum he was unable to give a straight answer. The question was put to Joe that “the Labour Party were against a second referendum after the defeat of the first one” he answered “we are opposed to a second referendum in the same format, asking the same questions”. When the Chairperson of the forum, Kevin Raffter, pushed the labour speaker asking “if you had to vote tomorrow which way would you vote” to which the beleaguered Labour TD again could not give a straight answer.As far as the IRSP are concerned there should be no second referendum as it has already been decided by the people. However given the fact that there is going to be one we, along with our colleagues in the Campaign Against European Union Constitution, will be campaigning for another rejection of the Lisbon Treaty. Lisbon mark one was essentially the ill-fated European Constitution, rejected by the French and Dutch electorate which was why these people were not allowed to vote on acceptance or rejection of the Lisbon Treaty. Just as Lisbon mark one was of no noticeable difference to the European Constitution, so too will Lisbon mark two be of any consequential difference to its ill-fated predecessor. The Irish Republican Socialist Party would strongly recommend another rejection, not that there should be a re-run in the first place, of the Lisbon Treaty. We would warn people who may be undecided that any “promises of guarantees” are a far cry from written guarantees and must not be taken in the same light. Even if the government do manage to get something more concrete on the area of a commissioner how much importance would you, the people, place on this issue? Also do not be misled with such clap trap as “we have received a declaration” from the European Commission because, like “promises of guarantees”, declarations are meaningless. They are not protocols, they hold no legal weight no more than do promises.Finally we might remind people of the words of former French President Valery Giscard d Estang on the Lisbon Treaty, in order to deny the French people a referendum, the treaty should be designed to “head off any threat of referenda by avoiding any form of constitutional vocabulary”. This was echoed by the Belgium Foreign Minister, Karel de Gucht, who said “the aim of this treaty is to be unreadable”, in other words don’t let the people have a clue what they are voting on. There will be no fundamental difference in Lisbon mark two to that of mark one, simply because it can’t be changed without rewriting the whole document and it has taken too long for the European bourgeoisie to concoct for that to happen. The bottom line is there will be no change in the meaning or content of the Lisbon Treaty, make sure there is no change in the outcome of the vote. When the time comes vote NO .
Kevin Morley
Secretary Irish Republican Socialist Party
Dublin Cumann
Kevin Morley
Secretary Irish Republican Socialist Party
Dublin Cumann
Monday, December 29, 2008
Dublin IPSC Pickets
We in the Dublin IRSP have attended 2 pickets organised by the IPSC in Dublin, one on the 28th and one today the 29th. We as Republican Socialists stand in solidarity with the people of Palestine and reach out our arm of comradeship to these hurting people.
We completely condemn these atrocities which are no more then terrorist attacks on a smaller nation. We ask of all our supporters and right minded individuals to take there stand in supporting these people in there time of need.
We will continue to highlight the Situation within Gaza in our own work.
We support the People of Palestine.
We completely condemn these atrocities which are no more then terrorist attacks on a smaller nation. We ask of all our supporters and right minded individuals to take there stand in supporting these people in there time of need.
We will continue to highlight the Situation within Gaza in our own work.
We support the People of Palestine.
Monday, December 15, 2008
Why not the Good Friday Agreement?
People ask, ‘why not support the Good Friday Agreement’, ‘why not support a document that favours peace over war’, ‘why not support an agreement that creates a chance of peace for Ireland?
The Good Friday Agreement is, yet, another agreement written up by the British Government, on their terms and signed by Irish representatives who claim to be fighting, through whatever means, to establish an 32 county Irish Republic which cannot happen under the current British and Irish Government rulings. Their rulings favour the rich and promise to protect property, wealth and natural resources from the working people of Ireland, the same people who built this country. We favour an Ireland where everyone works and everyone reaps the rewards from the country's wealth and natural resources.
The Good Friday Agreement grants a minority Unionist Veto over a united Ireland, it institutionalises Sectarianism and creates yet another stumbling block for the Republic and its supporters. All of this is made possible at the direction of the supporters of the Good Friday Agreement.
The supporters of the Good Friday Agreement have waved POW status for Republican prisoners, painting them as criminals and have sold out the Irish hunger-strikers of 1981 by supporting an agreement that has secured the criminalisation of their cause and the retraction of the demands fought for, through peaceful means and which led to their deaths. Supporters of the Good Friday Agreement seem to have forgotten that it is the hunger strikers of 1981 amongst others who brought our struggle to the attention of the world and gained international support for our fight for justice.
Those who stand against the Good Friday Agreement are standing for a nation built on equal rights, justice, true peace, the opposition of exploitation of all of its peoples and that the wealth and resources of Ireland be handed back, and with direct control, to the people of Ireland. Not to any church or any wealthy elite but to the working people with representation from an elected body, through democratic vote, within their communities.
The only way of achieving this is by completely opposing British and corporate Imperialism and building an Irish Republic that is a socialist state by definition. A state built by normal people for normal people. Like shop built by those who also use such shops, it will outshine those built by the wealthy. This is what is feared by the wealthy elite in Downing Street, Washington and Lenister house as it will topple those corrupt ‘leaders’ from their position of corrupted powers and this is also why such powers support the Good Friday Agreement as a 'peace agreement'.
The Good Friday Agreement is, yet, another agreement written up by the British Government, on their terms and signed by Irish representatives who claim to be fighting, through whatever means, to establish an 32 county Irish Republic which cannot happen under the current British and Irish Government rulings. Their rulings favour the rich and promise to protect property, wealth and natural resources from the working people of Ireland, the same people who built this country. We favour an Ireland where everyone works and everyone reaps the rewards from the country's wealth and natural resources.
The Good Friday Agreement grants a minority Unionist Veto over a united Ireland, it institutionalises Sectarianism and creates yet another stumbling block for the Republic and its supporters. All of this is made possible at the direction of the supporters of the Good Friday Agreement.
The supporters of the Good Friday Agreement have waved POW status for Republican prisoners, painting them as criminals and have sold out the Irish hunger-strikers of 1981 by supporting an agreement that has secured the criminalisation of their cause and the retraction of the demands fought for, through peaceful means and which led to their deaths. Supporters of the Good Friday Agreement seem to have forgotten that it is the hunger strikers of 1981 amongst others who brought our struggle to the attention of the world and gained international support for our fight for justice.
Those who stand against the Good Friday Agreement are standing for a nation built on equal rights, justice, true peace, the opposition of exploitation of all of its peoples and that the wealth and resources of Ireland be handed back, and with direct control, to the people of Ireland. Not to any church or any wealthy elite but to the working people with representation from an elected body, through democratic vote, within their communities.
The only way of achieving this is by completely opposing British and corporate Imperialism and building an Irish Republic that is a socialist state by definition. A state built by normal people for normal people. Like shop built by those who also use such shops, it will outshine those built by the wealthy. This is what is feared by the wealthy elite in Downing Street, Washington and Lenister house as it will topple those corrupt ‘leaders’ from their position of corrupted powers and this is also why such powers support the Good Friday Agreement as a 'peace agreement'.
Republican Socialism Defined
This is Republican Socialism!
The Irish Republican Socialist Party is an organisation created by and for working class people, to aid working class liberation in Ireland and internationally with others who share that common goal. The IRSP stands in the tradition of James Connolly, seeking an end to all forms of exploitation and the creation of a 32 county socialist republic, with the working class collectively owning the means of production, distribution, and exchange, as well as democratically administering society.
Socialism:
The socialism we embrace is the kind that liberates, not enslaves. We strive towards a society that functions to meet human needs, not the need for profit. Our socialism is a means of liberating our class from all forms of oppression, whether economic, political, religious, cultural or social. It is a socialism that envisions our class controlling their own destinies and that of the nation as a whole.
National Liberation:
The struggle for national liberation cannot be separated from the class struggle. Any attempt to isolate one from the other will result in failure. It is meaningless to speak of a free nation, if the overwhelming majority remain oppressed, and national sovereignty is lost through multinational corporate control of the economy just as much as by partition. At the same time, someone who refuses to challenge British imperialism in Ireland cannot claim to be fighting for socialism and the continuation of partition props up the divisions in the working class of Ireland that hold us back from our own liberation. We have no choice in whether or not we wish to consider the interconnection of the national and class questions, reality forces us to do so.
We define the national liberation struggle as that struggle which seeks to force a British military withdrawal from the occupied six counties. The destruction of the pro-British loyalist armed forces. The withdrawal of British political influence from all parts of Ireland. The ending the partition of the island of Ireland and the overturning of both the partionist governments presently administering political affairs of Ireland. The gaining of collective economic control of the nation's resources by the nation as a whole and the eradication of any control or influence exercised by foreign capitalists over any aspect of the Irish economy. The recognition of a separate Irish cultural identity and the establishment of revolutionary 32- county socialist republic.
We aim to build a strong alliance in Irish society of our class in towns and cities, agricultural workers in the country-side, unemployed workers, working class refugees, linked as a movement internationally with other like-minded liberation struggles.
We firmly stand-by the struggle for a republic. On that we are inflexible, but our struggle for the republic is a means to an end. For us, the national liberation struggle is but an aspect of the struggle for socialism.
Loyalism & Nationalism :
We distinguish between loyalism and Protestantism. We recognise the right of everyone to their own religious beliefs, provided they do not use these beliefs to oppress others. We have no quarrel with Protestant workers and welcome them to join us in struggle. However, we stand totally opposed to the political ideology of loyalism. Loyalism is a reactionary, sectarian and proimperialist ideology, with which we can make no compromise. We recognise that nationalism in the context of the Irish struggle is progressive, but we also recognise that nationalism can play a reactionary role. The national chauvinism of the Tories, National Front, etc. is counterrevolutionary and anathema to socialists. The nationalism of an oppressed country is vastly different from such reactionary jingoism. We support all struggles against imperialism throughout the world.
Class mobilisation Only by mobilising our class north and south - Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter - can the goal of national liberation and socialism be achieved. Workers have distinct interests as a class, ultimately opposed to any other class, we must join together as a class to win control of society.
For a fighting union :
As republican socialists, we take lesson from battles that have gone before us, in the community and in the workplace. We must reclaim our unions and organise the unorganised. We remain committed to the revolutionary industrial unionism of Larkin and Connolly. As republican socialists we see the creation of a fighting 'rank and file' trade union movement as something that still holds potential and we support the building of a revolutionary shop stewards' movement.
Equality:
Our class faces daily, relentless assaults inflicted on us from many quarters and a constant onslaught of attempts to divide us. The IRSP oppose and fight against all forms of inequality and oppression, including that of women, travellers, lesbians, gays, or other sexual minorities, refugees, Africans, Asians, and any other oppressed sector of the working class. We oppose racism, Zionism, sexism, homophobia, national chauvinism, and anything else which divides our class. We support reproductive rights and unhindered access to contraception, including a woman's right to choose abortion. We are opposed to religious sectarianism and seek the complete separation of church and state and a secular society.
Our Earth:
The increasing destruction of our environment is due to mismanagement of industrialisation and the inevitable product of a system, which puts profit before all else, that is, capitalism. The IRSP is committed to sustainable and renewable energy sources, preservation of the ecology and biodiversity of our planet, with protection of all species and the promotion of a healthy environment for all people and animal life
Revolution not Reform :
The IRSP believe that the present class system cannot be reformed out of existence. There exists no parliamentary road to socialism and the liberation of our class. We need to build an organised working class movement with the politics capable of leading the fight against capitalism. Our class are entitled to control over all the wealth of society and to obtain it through any means necessary.
If you agree with us, then we urge you to join the Irish Republican Socialist Party and help build a movement that can accomplish these aims and objectives.
Be part of the Irish revolution!
The Irish Republican Socialist Party is an organisation created by and for working class people, to aid working class liberation in Ireland and internationally with others who share that common goal. The IRSP stands in the tradition of James Connolly, seeking an end to all forms of exploitation and the creation of a 32 county socialist republic, with the working class collectively owning the means of production, distribution, and exchange, as well as democratically administering society.
Socialism:
The socialism we embrace is the kind that liberates, not enslaves. We strive towards a society that functions to meet human needs, not the need for profit. Our socialism is a means of liberating our class from all forms of oppression, whether economic, political, religious, cultural or social. It is a socialism that envisions our class controlling their own destinies and that of the nation as a whole.
National Liberation:
The struggle for national liberation cannot be separated from the class struggle. Any attempt to isolate one from the other will result in failure. It is meaningless to speak of a free nation, if the overwhelming majority remain oppressed, and national sovereignty is lost through multinational corporate control of the economy just as much as by partition. At the same time, someone who refuses to challenge British imperialism in Ireland cannot claim to be fighting for socialism and the continuation of partition props up the divisions in the working class of Ireland that hold us back from our own liberation. We have no choice in whether or not we wish to consider the interconnection of the national and class questions, reality forces us to do so.
We define the national liberation struggle as that struggle which seeks to force a British military withdrawal from the occupied six counties. The destruction of the pro-British loyalist armed forces. The withdrawal of British political influence from all parts of Ireland. The ending the partition of the island of Ireland and the overturning of both the partionist governments presently administering political affairs of Ireland. The gaining of collective economic control of the nation's resources by the nation as a whole and the eradication of any control or influence exercised by foreign capitalists over any aspect of the Irish economy. The recognition of a separate Irish cultural identity and the establishment of revolutionary 32- county socialist republic.
We aim to build a strong alliance in Irish society of our class in towns and cities, agricultural workers in the country-side, unemployed workers, working class refugees, linked as a movement internationally with other like-minded liberation struggles.
We firmly stand-by the struggle for a republic. On that we are inflexible, but our struggle for the republic is a means to an end. For us, the national liberation struggle is but an aspect of the struggle for socialism.
Loyalism & Nationalism :
We distinguish between loyalism and Protestantism. We recognise the right of everyone to their own religious beliefs, provided they do not use these beliefs to oppress others. We have no quarrel with Protestant workers and welcome them to join us in struggle. However, we stand totally opposed to the political ideology of loyalism. Loyalism is a reactionary, sectarian and proimperialist ideology, with which we can make no compromise. We recognise that nationalism in the context of the Irish struggle is progressive, but we also recognise that nationalism can play a reactionary role. The national chauvinism of the Tories, National Front, etc. is counterrevolutionary and anathema to socialists. The nationalism of an oppressed country is vastly different from such reactionary jingoism. We support all struggles against imperialism throughout the world.
Class mobilisation Only by mobilising our class north and south - Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter - can the goal of national liberation and socialism be achieved. Workers have distinct interests as a class, ultimately opposed to any other class, we must join together as a class to win control of society.
For a fighting union :
As republican socialists, we take lesson from battles that have gone before us, in the community and in the workplace. We must reclaim our unions and organise the unorganised. We remain committed to the revolutionary industrial unionism of Larkin and Connolly. As republican socialists we see the creation of a fighting 'rank and file' trade union movement as something that still holds potential and we support the building of a revolutionary shop stewards' movement.
Equality:
Our class faces daily, relentless assaults inflicted on us from many quarters and a constant onslaught of attempts to divide us. The IRSP oppose and fight against all forms of inequality and oppression, including that of women, travellers, lesbians, gays, or other sexual minorities, refugees, Africans, Asians, and any other oppressed sector of the working class. We oppose racism, Zionism, sexism, homophobia, national chauvinism, and anything else which divides our class. We support reproductive rights and unhindered access to contraception, including a woman's right to choose abortion. We are opposed to religious sectarianism and seek the complete separation of church and state and a secular society.
Our Earth:
The increasing destruction of our environment is due to mismanagement of industrialisation and the inevitable product of a system, which puts profit before all else, that is, capitalism. The IRSP is committed to sustainable and renewable energy sources, preservation of the ecology and biodiversity of our planet, with protection of all species and the promotion of a healthy environment for all people and animal life
Revolution not Reform :
The IRSP believe that the present class system cannot be reformed out of existence. There exists no parliamentary road to socialism and the liberation of our class. We need to build an organised working class movement with the politics capable of leading the fight against capitalism. Our class are entitled to control over all the wealth of society and to obtain it through any means necessary.
If you agree with us, then we urge you to join the Irish Republican Socialist Party and help build a movement that can accomplish these aims and objectives.
Be part of the Irish revolution!
Sunday, December 14, 2008
Seamus Costello 2008 Oration
Delivered by Paul Little, IRSP Ard Comhairle member
Comrades,
It is an honour and a privilege to be asked to speak here today at this commemoration to remember our comrade Seamus Costello, who in the words of Nora Connolly O'Brien, daughter of James Connolly, Seamus was "the only one who truly understood what James Connolly meant when he spoke of his vision of the freedom of the Irish people." No better tribute could have been paid to Seamus and indeed sums up Seamus as an outstanding revolutionary who believed as Connolly did that there could be no national liberation struggle without the class struggle. And that stands true today. Comrades, for us in the Republican Socialist Movement passionately believe that the class and liberation struggle are one. And we should all follow the example laid before us by James Connolly and Seamus Costello of making the goals of national liberation and socialism a reality. It is important for us as republican socialists to keep the memory of the man alive and indeed carry his vision of a better Ireland forward, for ourselves, and future generations.
In 1974 Seamus and other republican socialists formed the Irish Republican Socialist Party in an attempt to build a party of the Irish working class and with the formation of the Irish National Liberation Army, he saw this as the vanguard of the anti-imperialist struggle to end British rule in Ireland once and for all. Seamus seen capitalism, whether native or foreign, as much the enemy of the working class as British imperialism. Comrades, we must oppose capitalism with as much vigour as we oppose British rule. That means organising a proper revolutionary party, involving ourselves in our communities, our trade unions and embracing all the people of this island under the banner of class unity. As in Seamus' time our movement has come under attack from our enemies in the Dublin regime through draconian laws which are no more than internment on the word of a single garda. We send greetings to our comrades in Portlaoise and indeed to all republican prisoners.
We also condemn the mistreatment of Aidan Hulme, a republican prisoner in Portlaoise and demand that he gets proper medical attention. He is currently in Portlaoise and is suffering from very severe injuries to his lower legs which have basically confined him to bed 24 hours a day. Last week a doctor advised that Aidan get immediate medical treatment in a specialised unit, so far this has not happened. We demand that it does happen and we send Aidan our best wishes. Seamus Costello, along with others, established the Republican Socialist Movement in 1974 at the height of the struggle against British imperialism and severe economic hardship across the island. The Ireland that Seamus grew up in enjoyed none of the democratic rights envisioned by republicans in the Easter proclamation the democratic program. So Seamus joined the IRA and Sinn Fein at an early age and devoted his life to achieving national self-determination and democracy for the people of Ireland. It was when he entered the Curragh as an internee that Seamus and others defined the way forward for the Irish Republican struggle.
He instigated and developed the resurgence in "Connolyite" republicanism and pulled republicanism not only to the left, but directly into the everyday lives of the people of Ireland. When Seamus, as Connolly had done, made the connections between the struggle for independence and social issues, he made the Irish republican struggle relevant for the working class in Ireland. Seamus had a powerful gift of analysing the problems that the people of Ireland faced and offered attractive and radical alternatives to them. Comrades, if we look at the political landscape of Ireland today, can we honestly say that the lot of the Irish people has improved? Of course not. Recent economic reports deliver conflicting accounts of where Ireland stands. Last year, the United Nations published its Human Development Report for 2006 and Ireland ranked 17th in the human poverty index. Last year also marked the publication of another report: Bank of Ireland Private Banking published its annual Wealth of the Nation report -- and the picture painted was rather different. We were told that, in terms of net wealth per capita, Ireland was the world's second-richest country after Japan. After the few years of unfettered free market boom of the "Celtic Tiger," huge wealth was generated into a few hands here in the 26 Counties. There was a spending spree in the private housing sector.
Unfortunately, this huge generation of private wealth and its accompanying spending spree largely bypassed the essential public services on which we all depend, particularly health and education. The building boom in the private sector was not matched by public housing output, and we ended the boom with more than 43,000 households on local authority waiting lists -- an increase of nearly 60 per cent since 1996. When one includes those who cannot afford to buy or rent on the private market, the total number of people in housing need is 250,000. And while the country's top chief executives could look forward to salary packages topping €1 million annually. How can this be justified? How can the welfare and education systems fail so many people here due to lack funding? We have a situation where our natural resources are sold to the highest bidder, Shell, as in the case of the Corrib Gas Field off the coast of Mayo.
These resources are the property of the people of Ireland and they should not be sold off for short term political and economic gain. We are facing an inevitable capitalist crash with rising unemployment and huge demand for stable homes and communities. Then nationalise the construction industry to employ people to build more homes for those who need them. Don't nationalise the debt created by greedy fat executives who won't be freezing in there homes this winter. Ireland today suffers from all the problems that the Ireland of Seamus Costello suffered. The answers can be found in the radical thinking and analysis of Seamus Costello and if we apply his analysis we can't go far wrong. Seamus had a passion for the Irish struggle, which he saw as inseparable from the struggle for working class emancipation. He was able to inspire those around him to devote their time and energy to the struggle with this passion.
Comrades, we know the problems that we face. Capitalism is again on the ropes and this will affect us all but we must use this situation to benefit the working class. We must be ready to take advantage and to promote socialism as a real and viable alternation to the boom and bust of capitalism. Seamus has left us with the radical politics that can solve them. He has left us a vehicle with which to carry those ideas. It is up to us to show some of Seamus´ passion for change and start to put things right.
Fall in behind the party of the Irish working class, the IRSP.
Smash imperialism and smash capitalism!
Onwards to victory, comrades!
Comrades,
It is an honour and a privilege to be asked to speak here today at this commemoration to remember our comrade Seamus Costello, who in the words of Nora Connolly O'Brien, daughter of James Connolly, Seamus was "the only one who truly understood what James Connolly meant when he spoke of his vision of the freedom of the Irish people." No better tribute could have been paid to Seamus and indeed sums up Seamus as an outstanding revolutionary who believed as Connolly did that there could be no national liberation struggle without the class struggle. And that stands true today. Comrades, for us in the Republican Socialist Movement passionately believe that the class and liberation struggle are one. And we should all follow the example laid before us by James Connolly and Seamus Costello of making the goals of national liberation and socialism a reality. It is important for us as republican socialists to keep the memory of the man alive and indeed carry his vision of a better Ireland forward, for ourselves, and future generations.
In 1974 Seamus and other republican socialists formed the Irish Republican Socialist Party in an attempt to build a party of the Irish working class and with the formation of the Irish National Liberation Army, he saw this as the vanguard of the anti-imperialist struggle to end British rule in Ireland once and for all. Seamus seen capitalism, whether native or foreign, as much the enemy of the working class as British imperialism. Comrades, we must oppose capitalism with as much vigour as we oppose British rule. That means organising a proper revolutionary party, involving ourselves in our communities, our trade unions and embracing all the people of this island under the banner of class unity. As in Seamus' time our movement has come under attack from our enemies in the Dublin regime through draconian laws which are no more than internment on the word of a single garda. We send greetings to our comrades in Portlaoise and indeed to all republican prisoners.
We also condemn the mistreatment of Aidan Hulme, a republican prisoner in Portlaoise and demand that he gets proper medical attention. He is currently in Portlaoise and is suffering from very severe injuries to his lower legs which have basically confined him to bed 24 hours a day. Last week a doctor advised that Aidan get immediate medical treatment in a specialised unit, so far this has not happened. We demand that it does happen and we send Aidan our best wishes. Seamus Costello, along with others, established the Republican Socialist Movement in 1974 at the height of the struggle against British imperialism and severe economic hardship across the island. The Ireland that Seamus grew up in enjoyed none of the democratic rights envisioned by republicans in the Easter proclamation the democratic program. So Seamus joined the IRA and Sinn Fein at an early age and devoted his life to achieving national self-determination and democracy for the people of Ireland. It was when he entered the Curragh as an internee that Seamus and others defined the way forward for the Irish Republican struggle.
He instigated and developed the resurgence in "Connolyite" republicanism and pulled republicanism not only to the left, but directly into the everyday lives of the people of Ireland. When Seamus, as Connolly had done, made the connections between the struggle for independence and social issues, he made the Irish republican struggle relevant for the working class in Ireland. Seamus had a powerful gift of analysing the problems that the people of Ireland faced and offered attractive and radical alternatives to them. Comrades, if we look at the political landscape of Ireland today, can we honestly say that the lot of the Irish people has improved? Of course not. Recent economic reports deliver conflicting accounts of where Ireland stands. Last year, the United Nations published its Human Development Report for 2006 and Ireland ranked 17th in the human poverty index. Last year also marked the publication of another report: Bank of Ireland Private Banking published its annual Wealth of the Nation report -- and the picture painted was rather different. We were told that, in terms of net wealth per capita, Ireland was the world's second-richest country after Japan. After the few years of unfettered free market boom of the "Celtic Tiger," huge wealth was generated into a few hands here in the 26 Counties. There was a spending spree in the private housing sector.
Unfortunately, this huge generation of private wealth and its accompanying spending spree largely bypassed the essential public services on which we all depend, particularly health and education. The building boom in the private sector was not matched by public housing output, and we ended the boom with more than 43,000 households on local authority waiting lists -- an increase of nearly 60 per cent since 1996. When one includes those who cannot afford to buy or rent on the private market, the total number of people in housing need is 250,000. And while the country's top chief executives could look forward to salary packages topping €1 million annually. How can this be justified? How can the welfare and education systems fail so many people here due to lack funding? We have a situation where our natural resources are sold to the highest bidder, Shell, as in the case of the Corrib Gas Field off the coast of Mayo.
These resources are the property of the people of Ireland and they should not be sold off for short term political and economic gain. We are facing an inevitable capitalist crash with rising unemployment and huge demand for stable homes and communities. Then nationalise the construction industry to employ people to build more homes for those who need them. Don't nationalise the debt created by greedy fat executives who won't be freezing in there homes this winter. Ireland today suffers from all the problems that the Ireland of Seamus Costello suffered. The answers can be found in the radical thinking and analysis of Seamus Costello and if we apply his analysis we can't go far wrong. Seamus had a passion for the Irish struggle, which he saw as inseparable from the struggle for working class emancipation. He was able to inspire those around him to devote their time and energy to the struggle with this passion.
Comrades, we know the problems that we face. Capitalism is again on the ropes and this will affect us all but we must use this situation to benefit the working class. We must be ready to take advantage and to promote socialism as a real and viable alternation to the boom and bust of capitalism. Seamus has left us with the radical politics that can solve them. He has left us a vehicle with which to carry those ideas. It is up to us to show some of Seamus´ passion for change and start to put things right.
Fall in behind the party of the Irish working class, the IRSP.
Smash imperialism and smash capitalism!
Onwards to victory, comrades!
Mchael Campbell Protest
Saturday the 14th of December was a show of unity in Dublin 4 as
Comrades of the IRSP Dublin Cumman Joined by Dundalk comrades,
Stood on a picket/protest with the 32csm I.R.P.W.A supporting the release of Michael Campbell from a lithuanian Jail.
This case is one of many that we see here today going through the Special Criminals Court But saturday the stand of fellow republicans will hopefully show that no longer will republicans stand by while like minded men and women are incarcerated for there beliefs.
As the Gerry Adams once said "we havent gone away you know" this is true today as it was the day it was said regarding Organizations who stand by the POWs.
Well Done to the IRSP and 32csm for taking there stand.
Comrades of the IRSP Dublin Cumman Joined by Dundalk comrades,
Stood on a picket/protest with the 32csm I.R.P.W.A supporting the release of Michael Campbell from a lithuanian Jail.
This case is one of many that we see here today going through the Special Criminals Court But saturday the stand of fellow republicans will hopefully show that no longer will republicans stand by while like minded men and women are incarcerated for there beliefs.
As the Gerry Adams once said "we havent gone away you know" this is true today as it was the day it was said regarding Organizations who stand by the POWs.
Well Done to the IRSP and 32csm for taking there stand.
Tuesday, December 9, 2008
Dublin IRSP Against Public Service Cuts
On December the 6th members of the Dublin Cumman joined 70,000 marchers on the streets of Dublin protesting against Brian Cowens government and there decisions to implement far right policies by introducing Student fees and also
The Alternative
In many of our activities as a Party we in the IRSP are often asked, occasionally in a hostile manner, but more often in a resigned but curious way,
“So What’s your Alternative to the Good Friday Agreement?”
Often as not the question is posed by supporters of the Provisionals or by ex members of that movement who simply walked away in disgust at the direction their movement had taken. It is a genuine question. It is one that requires a serious answer. And it is not a question to be answered in pubs and social clubs as former ex-combatants reminisce over a few pints and ask where did it all go wrong? That’s when the mixing can be begin and as the drink flows in so does the wit flow out.
Those who now are in the ascendancy - those who now walk the corridors of power when once they walked the streets in protest, can feel secure in the knowledge that there is no serious opposition to their hegemony.
The Administration At Stormont (TASS) has no serious parliamentary opposition. The pathetic little Alliance party is desperately trying to get the Ulster Unionist Party to give up the fruits of office and join them in opposition. But any opposition based on the Alliance or unionist perspectives would be a false opposition because they all fundamentally accept the prevailing economic policies pushed by the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the USA Government.
Of course there will be minor differences within TASS. The two main nationalist Parties PSF and SDLP will place more emphasis on “social justice” and “equality” while the unionist parties will emphasise issues s such as “law and order” and “economic stability” and “prudence.” When elections loom both sides will then revert to banging the big drum of nationalism of unionism to stroke up the sectarian flames and bring out their voters.
It is also most unlikely that a coherent electoral opposition could be established before the next elections to create a new TAAS. Any such opposition would have to be built on clear opposition to the economic and social policies of the current TASS. It would have to be socialist, have some prospects of success to generate support and have no illusions that there really is a parliamentary road to socialism. No organisation now existing would seem to have these credentials. Nor would there necessarily be agreement that such credentials would be essential. In other words all those on the left would soon find reasons to fall out with each other and denounce the SWP/SP/CPI/ etc as traitors to the class struggle.
So in the sense of parliamentary opposition it is true there is no alternative to the GFA.
But generally the question is not posed in terms of economic or social alternatives but in republican terms and is posed in such terms that really only two alternatives are allowed for - the continuation of armed struggle or settling for TASS.
Armed struggle in Ireland has a romantic tinge about it, particularly when posed in terms of heroic sacrifice or in terms of the heroism of the Easter Week uprising. Indeed it has almost achieved such status that to question its efficacy is akin to blasphemy. During the period of the seventies and eighties few dared to raise their voices within republican circles about armed struggle. To do so would be to invite all sorts of insults such as “sticky” or “peace lover” Ironic is it not that some of those most passionate about denouncing “Stickies” are the very ones who stole the “Stickie’s” clothes and now implement their policies.
So armed struggle was the tactic used to achieve the goal. Oh yes the goal! What exactly was that the armed struggle was for? Simple! The Socialist Republic! What does that mean? Don’t worry we will sort that out when we achieve it !! At least that was what the volunteers were told.
Yes indeed. There was in reality a lot of sloganising, a lot of passion, a lot of violence but little long term thought. Those who began to question, who raised awkward questions either about the armed strategy or the direction their leadership was going were sidelined, dismissed or killed in action. Consequently when the strategy of the long war began to look more and more threadbare and experienced volunteers became disillusioned there was little appetite for resistance to the new direction. Action had been all theory nothing. So when the action stopped Republicans were left bemused,
On the issue of the validity of armed struggle in the present day there is much argument but little clarity. Let us state clearly that as long as there is a British claim to sovereignty over any part of the island of Ireland there will always be republicans who regard it as perfectly legitimate to use force to resist that claim. That is a given.
However the question republican socialists would pose is it a viable tactic to use at this moment in time? Does it have any possibility of success? Are the balance of forces both nationally and internationally favourable to the pursuit of armed struggle. Are the forces of resistance well armed, trained, freed from informers and agents and capable of sustaining a campaign that would win popular support from the people of Ireland and be capable in the long run of forcing the British and Unionists to the negotiating table to hammer out a deal for better than the current deal encapsulated by the GFA and the St. Andrews agreement? The answer is obviously no.
Some may think that the unification of the various republican forces such as the INLA and the varying IRA’S could create a strong armed group capable of taking on the Imperialists. Not so. The political differences and analysis are so wide that it could not happen. Currently it is nearly impossible to get agreement on mounting pickets. No chance of agreement of running a war.
Also it needs to be stated clearly that the Republican Socialist analysis is such that it precludes a unification with others forces with very different approaches and policies. Our analysis is simply put. The class and national question are so intertwined that to pursue one without the other is to invite almost certain defeat. Following the defeat of the republican armed struggle and the temporary stabilisation of the six county state with its shaky TASS and coalition of four neo-liberal parties republicans must take a different direction. And clearly that direction is back to the class -the working class- for the James Connolly approach is as relevant now, if not more relevant than, when he was alive.
For at least the past 12 years we have been saying that the liberation of the working class is the task of the working class itself- that there can be no liberation without socialism. We have consistently argued against an elitist approach to the revolutionary struggle firmly basing our positions not only on Connolly and the great Marxist writers but also on our founder Seamus Costello and of course our fallen comrade Ta Power.
But of course if you read the writings of some of the “real” or “continuity” Marxists you would never know this. Take this piece of writing
“We have just come through a quite savage conflict. It seems to us that at a very minimum a new movement would have to offer some critique of the militarist strategy that led to defeat and also to have some orientation to the working class and at least initial expressions of class hostility to the Irish capitalist class and its role in advancing the imperialist offensive.”-
“A major problem over the past decade has been the reluctance of even quite sharp critics of the republican leadership to leave the republican family.
“Socialist Democracy 2nd April 2007 (http://www.socialistdemocracy.org/Correspondence/CorrespondRepublicanOpposition.html)The IRSP have offered a critique of the militarist strategy. We have clearly articulated our class position in our newspapers, our public meetings in this e-mail newsletter and in public conferences. A cursory search of our web site will confirm that.
And as regards the so-called reluctance to “leave the republican family”
we have also a very clear position on that. We deny there is any such thing as a republican family. Nor is there any such thing now as the “republican movement” What we say is there are differing republican traditions. We are the republican socialist tradition and we recognise there are other traditions such as the provisional republican movement and so on .We make no claim to be the republican movement. Such claims bear no relation to the class forces in Irish society or take account of the reality of capitalism or imperialism.
In the above-mentioned correspondence it is unclear if Socialist Democracy favour a break with Republicanism or see a new form of resistance arising from a break with provisionalism. There is however no room for ambiguity in the Socialist Workers Party’s guru Eamon McCann. Writing recently in the “radical Marxist revolutionary” newspaper, The Belfast Telegraph McCann in a critique of Gerry Adams speech at Edentubber gave his clear position
“Within the parameters of republican thinking, they have a point. And there’s the problem. Republicanism."
(http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/opinion/article3164196.ece)
Sadly for Eamon and the Socialist Workers Party and all the other “real” socialists and Marxists, Irish republicanism for all its faults, (and we in the IRSP have been critical of those faults) is a revolutionary tendency that cannot be ignored or dismissed. We believe that it can form the core of any new revolutionary upsurge of the working class in Ireland against both imperialism and capitalism. Building such a movement is the real alternative to the Good Friday agreement. Join us in building that alternative.
“So What’s your Alternative to the Good Friday Agreement?”
Often as not the question is posed by supporters of the Provisionals or by ex members of that movement who simply walked away in disgust at the direction their movement had taken. It is a genuine question. It is one that requires a serious answer. And it is not a question to be answered in pubs and social clubs as former ex-combatants reminisce over a few pints and ask where did it all go wrong? That’s when the mixing can be begin and as the drink flows in so does the wit flow out.
Those who now are in the ascendancy - those who now walk the corridors of power when once they walked the streets in protest, can feel secure in the knowledge that there is no serious opposition to their hegemony.
The Administration At Stormont (TASS) has no serious parliamentary opposition. The pathetic little Alliance party is desperately trying to get the Ulster Unionist Party to give up the fruits of office and join them in opposition. But any opposition based on the Alliance or unionist perspectives would be a false opposition because they all fundamentally accept the prevailing economic policies pushed by the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the USA Government.
Of course there will be minor differences within TASS. The two main nationalist Parties PSF and SDLP will place more emphasis on “social justice” and “equality” while the unionist parties will emphasise issues s such as “law and order” and “economic stability” and “prudence.” When elections loom both sides will then revert to banging the big drum of nationalism of unionism to stroke up the sectarian flames and bring out their voters.
It is also most unlikely that a coherent electoral opposition could be established before the next elections to create a new TAAS. Any such opposition would have to be built on clear opposition to the economic and social policies of the current TASS. It would have to be socialist, have some prospects of success to generate support and have no illusions that there really is a parliamentary road to socialism. No organisation now existing would seem to have these credentials. Nor would there necessarily be agreement that such credentials would be essential. In other words all those on the left would soon find reasons to fall out with each other and denounce the SWP/SP/CPI/ etc as traitors to the class struggle.
So in the sense of parliamentary opposition it is true there is no alternative to the GFA.
But generally the question is not posed in terms of economic or social alternatives but in republican terms and is posed in such terms that really only two alternatives are allowed for - the continuation of armed struggle or settling for TASS.
Armed struggle in Ireland has a romantic tinge about it, particularly when posed in terms of heroic sacrifice or in terms of the heroism of the Easter Week uprising. Indeed it has almost achieved such status that to question its efficacy is akin to blasphemy. During the period of the seventies and eighties few dared to raise their voices within republican circles about armed struggle. To do so would be to invite all sorts of insults such as “sticky” or “peace lover” Ironic is it not that some of those most passionate about denouncing “Stickies” are the very ones who stole the “Stickie’s” clothes and now implement their policies.
So armed struggle was the tactic used to achieve the goal. Oh yes the goal! What exactly was that the armed struggle was for? Simple! The Socialist Republic! What does that mean? Don’t worry we will sort that out when we achieve it !! At least that was what the volunteers were told.
Yes indeed. There was in reality a lot of sloganising, a lot of passion, a lot of violence but little long term thought. Those who began to question, who raised awkward questions either about the armed strategy or the direction their leadership was going were sidelined, dismissed or killed in action. Consequently when the strategy of the long war began to look more and more threadbare and experienced volunteers became disillusioned there was little appetite for resistance to the new direction. Action had been all theory nothing. So when the action stopped Republicans were left bemused,
On the issue of the validity of armed struggle in the present day there is much argument but little clarity. Let us state clearly that as long as there is a British claim to sovereignty over any part of the island of Ireland there will always be republicans who regard it as perfectly legitimate to use force to resist that claim. That is a given.
However the question republican socialists would pose is it a viable tactic to use at this moment in time? Does it have any possibility of success? Are the balance of forces both nationally and internationally favourable to the pursuit of armed struggle. Are the forces of resistance well armed, trained, freed from informers and agents and capable of sustaining a campaign that would win popular support from the people of Ireland and be capable in the long run of forcing the British and Unionists to the negotiating table to hammer out a deal for better than the current deal encapsulated by the GFA and the St. Andrews agreement? The answer is obviously no.
Some may think that the unification of the various republican forces such as the INLA and the varying IRA’S could create a strong armed group capable of taking on the Imperialists. Not so. The political differences and analysis are so wide that it could not happen. Currently it is nearly impossible to get agreement on mounting pickets. No chance of agreement of running a war.
Also it needs to be stated clearly that the Republican Socialist analysis is such that it precludes a unification with others forces with very different approaches and policies. Our analysis is simply put. The class and national question are so intertwined that to pursue one without the other is to invite almost certain defeat. Following the defeat of the republican armed struggle and the temporary stabilisation of the six county state with its shaky TASS and coalition of four neo-liberal parties republicans must take a different direction. And clearly that direction is back to the class -the working class- for the James Connolly approach is as relevant now, if not more relevant than, when he was alive.
For at least the past 12 years we have been saying that the liberation of the working class is the task of the working class itself- that there can be no liberation without socialism. We have consistently argued against an elitist approach to the revolutionary struggle firmly basing our positions not only on Connolly and the great Marxist writers but also on our founder Seamus Costello and of course our fallen comrade Ta Power.
But of course if you read the writings of some of the “real” or “continuity” Marxists you would never know this. Take this piece of writing
“We have just come through a quite savage conflict. It seems to us that at a very minimum a new movement would have to offer some critique of the militarist strategy that led to defeat and also to have some orientation to the working class and at least initial expressions of class hostility to the Irish capitalist class and its role in advancing the imperialist offensive.”-
“A major problem over the past decade has been the reluctance of even quite sharp critics of the republican leadership to leave the republican family.
“Socialist Democracy 2nd April 2007 (http://www.socialistdemocracy.org/Correspondence/CorrespondRepublicanOpposition.html)The IRSP have offered a critique of the militarist strategy. We have clearly articulated our class position in our newspapers, our public meetings in this e-mail newsletter and in public conferences. A cursory search of our web site will confirm that.
And as regards the so-called reluctance to “leave the republican family”
we have also a very clear position on that. We deny there is any such thing as a republican family. Nor is there any such thing now as the “republican movement” What we say is there are differing republican traditions. We are the republican socialist tradition and we recognise there are other traditions such as the provisional republican movement and so on .We make no claim to be the republican movement. Such claims bear no relation to the class forces in Irish society or take account of the reality of capitalism or imperialism.
In the above-mentioned correspondence it is unclear if Socialist Democracy favour a break with Republicanism or see a new form of resistance arising from a break with provisionalism. There is however no room for ambiguity in the Socialist Workers Party’s guru Eamon McCann. Writing recently in the “radical Marxist revolutionary” newspaper, The Belfast Telegraph McCann in a critique of Gerry Adams speech at Edentubber gave his clear position
“Within the parameters of republican thinking, they have a point. And there’s the problem. Republicanism."
(http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/opinion/article3164196.ece)
Sadly for Eamon and the Socialist Workers Party and all the other “real” socialists and Marxists, Irish republicanism for all its faults, (and we in the IRSP have been critical of those faults) is a revolutionary tendency that cannot be ignored or dismissed. We believe that it can form the core of any new revolutionary upsurge of the working class in Ireland against both imperialism and capitalism. Building such a movement is the real alternative to the Good Friday agreement. Join us in building that alternative.
Irsm Introduction
We here in the Dublin Irish Republican Socialist Party are delighted to announce that the Dublin Cumman is once again back up online over the internet, Due to unforeseen circumstances with the old page members took it upon themselves to build a new page to spread the ideals and beliefs within the party.
This has been spearheaded by the Cumman as a hole and every member felt this was very important as we look to bring the party into a new era of Left Wing republicans here in Dublin.
Since 1974 the Republican Socialist movement has been active in Dublin, but over the years it has started to rebuild to show the country there is an alternative to the copper fastening of British Rule in Ireland.
As the Dublin membership is swelling and people are flocking to the cause of National liberation and the spread of Socialism, we are reminded of the words of our Founding member Seamus Costello as he said "I owe my allegiance to the working class".
When Seamus said this he launched the ideals and the beliefs that had been abandoned by the Official Republican Movement who Seamus had once been a member of.
When in 1974 Seamus Costello and other members decided to leave or had been forced from the Official Republican Movement, they carried on there Left Wing Beliefs and founded a movement that would be the radical alternative to the ORM.
On the 10th Of December 1974 with the goal and aim of "Mobilising our class towards the objective of dis-establishing the Northern colonial and Southern neo-colonial statelets on this island, thus ending imperialism and capitalism, and preparing the basic structures for an Irish Workers' State" Seamus and others like minded Independent Republicans joined together to start the Irish Republican Socialist movement.
Following soon after its formation, the Irish Republican Socialist Movement came under relentless attack from a host of adversaries. The Officials put aside their ceasefire in order to wage war on members of the IRSM, baptizing the infant movement in the blood of martyrs. The OIRA attacks continued sporadically over the course of two years, ending with the murder of the IRSP's founder and first chairperson, as well as leading theorist Seamus Costello--once Official Sinn Fein's Vice President and OIRA's Director of Operations--in October 1976. Also within the first years after the IRSM's founding, the Dublin regime unleashed what would become known as "the Heavy Gang" within the Garda against the young movement, arresting and torturing virtually the entire IRSP leadership at one point.
This shows that from early on in this movement that Dublin was very active and had a major part to play while holding this movement together through harrasment from the free state "Heavy Gang" to the execution of leading members.
In present day not much has changed as the Movement is still fighting off many of the problems that plagued the movement in the 1970s harrassment from the Draconian police force in Dublin, But as each member stands steadfast in there beliefs the movement continues to grow and as Dublin raises up a new generation of people willing to uphold the mantal that Seamus Costello risked his life and so gallantly lost it for, we call on all republicans to come and play there part.
Join the Irish Republican Socialist Party Today, Join the Revolution.
This has been spearheaded by the Cumman as a hole and every member felt this was very important as we look to bring the party into a new era of Left Wing republicans here in Dublin.
Since 1974 the Republican Socialist movement has been active in Dublin, but over the years it has started to rebuild to show the country there is an alternative to the copper fastening of British Rule in Ireland.
As the Dublin membership is swelling and people are flocking to the cause of National liberation and the spread of Socialism, we are reminded of the words of our Founding member Seamus Costello as he said "I owe my allegiance to the working class".
When Seamus said this he launched the ideals and the beliefs that had been abandoned by the Official Republican Movement who Seamus had once been a member of.
When in 1974 Seamus Costello and other members decided to leave or had been forced from the Official Republican Movement, they carried on there Left Wing Beliefs and founded a movement that would be the radical alternative to the ORM.
On the 10th Of December 1974 with the goal and aim of "Mobilising our class towards the objective of dis-establishing the Northern colonial and Southern neo-colonial statelets on this island, thus ending imperialism and capitalism, and preparing the basic structures for an Irish Workers' State" Seamus and others like minded Independent Republicans joined together to start the Irish Republican Socialist movement.
Following soon after its formation, the Irish Republican Socialist Movement came under relentless attack from a host of adversaries. The Officials put aside their ceasefire in order to wage war on members of the IRSM, baptizing the infant movement in the blood of martyrs. The OIRA attacks continued sporadically over the course of two years, ending with the murder of the IRSP's founder and first chairperson, as well as leading theorist Seamus Costello--once Official Sinn Fein's Vice President and OIRA's Director of Operations--in October 1976. Also within the first years after the IRSM's founding, the Dublin regime unleashed what would become known as "the Heavy Gang" within the Garda against the young movement, arresting and torturing virtually the entire IRSP leadership at one point.
This shows that from early on in this movement that Dublin was very active and had a major part to play while holding this movement together through harrasment from the free state "Heavy Gang" to the execution of leading members.
In present day not much has changed as the Movement is still fighting off many of the problems that plagued the movement in the 1970s harrassment from the Draconian police force in Dublin, But as each member stands steadfast in there beliefs the movement continues to grow and as Dublin raises up a new generation of people willing to uphold the mantal that Seamus Costello risked his life and so gallantly lost it for, we call on all republicans to come and play there part.
Join the Irish Republican Socialist Party Today, Join the Revolution.
The IRSP
The Irish Republican Socialist Party is a working class revolutionary party in the tradition of Tone, Marx, Lenin, Connolly, Mellows, Costello and Ta Power that leads the Republican Socialist Movement towards the objective of establishing a 32-county Workers Republic. The Party is heavily influenced by the ideas espoused in the Ta Power Document
The Party comprehensively rejects the Good Friday Agreement as an imperialist-backed undemocratic sabotage of true peace and freedom in Ireland
The party is guided by the analysis of James Connolly: that the class struggle and national liberation struggle cannot be separated, and are the only movement that uphold that analysis.
The IRSP also rejects any parliamentary road to socialism. The IRSP is an anti imperialist Party that seeks to remove the British interference in Ireland's sovereignty as an aspect of the class struggle.
The IRSP is involved in campaigns and struggles of the working class, and our membership are well represented throughout the workers' movement. The Party is well regarded for its nonsectarian approach and indeed works tirelessly to bridge the sectarian gap and heal the artificial divisions in our class created by a foreign government.
The Party comprehensively rejects the Good Friday Agreement as an imperialist-backed undemocratic sabotage of true peace and freedom in Ireland
The party is guided by the analysis of James Connolly: that the class struggle and national liberation struggle cannot be separated, and are the only movement that uphold that analysis.
The IRSP also rejects any parliamentary road to socialism. The IRSP is an anti imperialist Party that seeks to remove the British interference in Ireland's sovereignty as an aspect of the class struggle.
The IRSP is involved in campaigns and struggles of the working class, and our membership are well represented throughout the workers' movement. The Party is well regarded for its nonsectarian approach and indeed works tirelessly to bridge the sectarian gap and heal the artificial divisions in our class created by a foreign government.
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